TY  - RPRT
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
AU  - Živanović, Miroslav
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3076
AB  - The Coronavirus crisis has laid bare both the strengths as well as the weaknesses of political systems, democratic institutions and the political parties throughout the region, mirroring the real state of democracy on the ground. The already weakened democratic institutions have deteriorated even further, and the fragile checks and balances systems have demonstrated their inefficiency in practice. Political leaders rarely managed to resist the temptation to use the unprecedented opportunity of power up for grabs, misusing restrictive measures as a convenient instrument to strengthen the position of government and weaken political opposition.
PB  - Belgrade: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
T1  - Party Politics and the State of Emergency: Behaviour of Political Parties during the Coronavirus Pandemic
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3076
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Tepavac, Tara and Živanović, Miroslav",
year = "2021",
abstract = "The Coronavirus crisis has laid bare both the strengths as well as the weaknesses of political systems, democratic institutions and the political parties throughout the region, mirroring the real state of democracy on the ground. The already weakened democratic institutions have deteriorated even further, and the fragile checks and balances systems have demonstrated their inefficiency in practice. Political leaders rarely managed to resist the temptation to use the unprecedented opportunity of power up for grabs, misusing restrictive measures as a convenient instrument to strengthen the position of government and weaken political opposition.",
publisher = "Belgrade: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung",
title = "Party Politics and the State of Emergency: Behaviour of Political Parties during the Coronavirus Pandemic",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3076"
}

Tepavac, T.,& Živanović, M.. (2021). Party Politics and the State of Emergency: Behaviour of Political Parties during the Coronavirus Pandemic. 
Belgrade: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3076

Tepavac T, Živanović M. Party Politics and the State of Emergency: Behaviour of Political Parties during the Coronavirus Pandemic. 2021;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3076 .

Tepavac, Tara, Živanović, Miroslav, "Party Politics and the State of Emergency: Behaviour of Political Parties during the Coronavirus Pandemic" (2021),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3076 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3074
AB  - Narodna skupština Republike Srbije je, kako je predviđeno Ustavom, najviše predstavničko telo i nosilac zakonodavne vlasti. Zadužena je i za nadzor nad izvršnom granom vlasti. U praksi, interesovanje građana za parlament se smanjuje, a nisko poverenje u Narodnu skupštinu povezano je sa urušavanjem poverenja u demokratiju. Centralizacija moći, prožimanje jednostranih narativa u javnom prostoru i dominacija u medijima u celini doprinose prikazivanju predsednika Republike kao jedinog autoriteta koji je u očima građana zadužen za sva pitanja i teme, bez obzira na ustavno uređenje, što značajno degradira položaj parlamenta. Pored centralizacije moći u rukama izvršne vlasti, parlament se suočava i s brojnim strukturalnim slabostima i lošim unutrašnjim praksama. 
Ovo poglavlje analizira funkcionisanje i učinak Skupštine Srbije tokom protekle decenije (2008—2020), kao jedne od ključnih institucija koja štiti demokratiju i obezbeđuje funkcionisanje demokratskih procesa, sa ciljem da pruži uvide koji doprinose sveobuhvatnom pregledu stanja u srpskoj demokratiji. Analiza se fokusira kako na njenu formalnu moć koja je osigurana kroz zakonodavni okvir, tako i na sprovođenje njenih odgovornosti u praksi, sa ciljem da identifikuje ključne karakteristike i trendove u radu ove institucije koji utiču na njen učinak i
delotvornost. Fokus analize usmeren je na poslednja četiri mandata Skupštine koja su obeležila njeno funkcionisanje tokom poslednje decenije, u skladu s delokrugom ove publikacije (2008-2020). Položaj i učinak parlamenta procenjuju se pomoću kombinacije kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih metoda, zasnovanih na korišćenju statistike o radu i aktivnostima parlamentarnih tela i poslanika okupljenih putem platforme Otvoreni parlament, kvalitativnih procena zasnovanih na analizama javno dostupnih izvora, uključujući zakonodavni okvir, izveštaje državnih institucija i renomiranih domaćih i međunarodnih organizacija, kao i pomoću nalaza ispitivanja javnog mnjenja o stavovima građana, percepciji i poverenju u Skupštinu i narodne poslanike.
AB  - As stipulated by the Constitution, the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia is the highest representative body and the holder of legislative power. The National Assembly is also in charge of monitoring the executive branch. In practice, citizens’ interest in the parliament is declining, and the lack of trust in the National Assembly is associated with a collapse of confidence in democracy. The centralization of power, one-sided narratives widespread in public space and domineering the media as a whole contribute to the portrayal of the President of the Republic as the only authority in charge of all issues and topics, regardless of the constitutional system. This significantly degrades the position of the parliament. In addition to the centralization of power in the hands of the executive, the Parliament faces a number of structural weaknesses and poor internal practices.
This chapter analyses the functioning and performance of the Parliament of Serbia over the past decade (2008-2020), as one of the key institutions safeguarding democracy and ensuring the functioning of democratic processes, with the aim to provide insights that contribute to a comprehensive overview of the state of Serbian democracy. The analysis is focusing both on its formal power ensured through the legislative framework, as well as on the implementation of Parliament’s responsibilities in practice, with the aim to identify key characteristics and trends in the work of this institution influencing its performance and effectiveness. The analysis focuses on the last four mandates of the parliament that marked its functioning over the last decade, in line with the scope of this publication (2008-2020). The position and performance of the Parliament is assessed with a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, based on the use of statistics on the work and activities of the parliamentary bodies and MPs gathered through the Open Parliament platform, as well as qualitative assessments based on the analysis of publicly available sources including the legislative framework, reports of state institutions and renown domestic and international organizations, and findings of the opinion polls on citizens’ attitudes, perception and trust in the Parliament and MPs.
PB  - Beograd: Crta
T2  - Podrivanje demokratije: procesi i institucije u Srbiji od 2010. do 2020. godine
T1  - Parlament Srbije
SP  - 79
EP  - 104
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3074
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Narodna skupština Republike Srbije je, kako je predviđeno Ustavom, najviše predstavničko telo i nosilac zakonodavne vlasti. Zadužena je i za nadzor nad izvršnom granom vlasti. U praksi, interesovanje građana za parlament se smanjuje, a nisko poverenje u Narodnu skupštinu povezano je sa urušavanjem poverenja u demokratiju. Centralizacija moći, prožimanje jednostranih narativa u javnom prostoru i dominacija u medijima u celini doprinose prikazivanju predsednika Republike kao jedinog autoriteta koji je u očima građana zadužen za sva pitanja i teme, bez obzira na ustavno uređenje, što značajno degradira položaj parlamenta. Pored centralizacije moći u rukama izvršne vlasti, parlament se suočava i s brojnim strukturalnim slabostima i lošim unutrašnjim praksama. 
Ovo poglavlje analizira funkcionisanje i učinak Skupštine Srbije tokom protekle decenije (2008—2020), kao jedne od ključnih institucija koja štiti demokratiju i obezbeđuje funkcionisanje demokratskih procesa, sa ciljem da pruži uvide koji doprinose sveobuhvatnom pregledu stanja u srpskoj demokratiji. Analiza se fokusira kako na njenu formalnu moć koja je osigurana kroz zakonodavni okvir, tako i na sprovođenje njenih odgovornosti u praksi, sa ciljem da identifikuje ključne karakteristike i trendove u radu ove institucije koji utiču na njen učinak i
delotvornost. Fokus analize usmeren je na poslednja četiri mandata Skupštine koja su obeležila njeno funkcionisanje tokom poslednje decenije, u skladu s delokrugom ove publikacije (2008-2020). Položaj i učinak parlamenta procenjuju se pomoću kombinacije kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih metoda, zasnovanih na korišćenju statistike o radu i aktivnostima parlamentarnih tela i poslanika okupljenih putem platforme Otvoreni parlament, kvalitativnih procena zasnovanih na analizama javno dostupnih izvora, uključujući zakonodavni okvir, izveštaje državnih institucija i renomiranih domaćih i međunarodnih organizacija, kao i pomoću nalaza ispitivanja javnog mnjenja o stavovima građana, percepciji i poverenju u Skupštinu i narodne poslanike., As stipulated by the Constitution, the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia is the highest representative body and the holder of legislative power. The National Assembly is also in charge of monitoring the executive branch. In practice, citizens’ interest in the parliament is declining, and the lack of trust in the National Assembly is associated with a collapse of confidence in democracy. The centralization of power, one-sided narratives widespread in public space and domineering the media as a whole contribute to the portrayal of the President of the Republic as the only authority in charge of all issues and topics, regardless of the constitutional system. This significantly degrades the position of the parliament. In addition to the centralization of power in the hands of the executive, the Parliament faces a number of structural weaknesses and poor internal practices.
This chapter analyses the functioning and performance of the Parliament of Serbia over the past decade (2008-2020), as one of the key institutions safeguarding democracy and ensuring the functioning of democratic processes, with the aim to provide insights that contribute to a comprehensive overview of the state of Serbian democracy. The analysis is focusing both on its formal power ensured through the legislative framework, as well as on the implementation of Parliament’s responsibilities in practice, with the aim to identify key characteristics and trends in the work of this institution influencing its performance and effectiveness. The analysis focuses on the last four mandates of the parliament that marked its functioning over the last decade, in line with the scope of this publication (2008-2020). The position and performance of the Parliament is assessed with a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, based on the use of statistics on the work and activities of the parliamentary bodies and MPs gathered through the Open Parliament platform, as well as qualitative assessments based on the analysis of publicly available sources including the legislative framework, reports of state institutions and renown domestic and international organizations, and findings of the opinion polls on citizens’ attitudes, perception and trust in the Parliament and MPs.",
publisher = "Beograd: Crta",
journal = "Podrivanje demokratije: procesi i institucije u Srbiji od 2010. do 2020. godine",
booktitle = "Parlament Srbije",
pages = "79-104",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3074"
}

Tepavac, T.. (2021). Parlament Srbije. in Podrivanje demokratije: procesi i institucije u Srbiji od 2010. do 2020. godine
Beograd: Crta., 79-104.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3074

Tepavac T. Parlament Srbije. in Podrivanje demokratije: procesi i institucije u Srbiji od 2010. do 2020. godine. 2021;:79-104.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3074 .

Tepavac, Tara, "Parlament Srbije" in Podrivanje demokratije: procesi i institucije u Srbiji od 2010. do 2020. godine (2021):79-104,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3074 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3307
UR  - https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_3
AB  - This chapter focuses on the Franco-German reconciliation and cooperation model as a potential role model for improving the relations and cooperation between Serbia and Croatia. It examines key similarities and differences in the particular socio-historical context of the Western Balkans and today’s dynamics of the EU, which impact the extent to which these two countries can mirror the Franco-German model as “core countries” that could push for reconciliation and regional cooperation within the region. In order to examine the extent and applicability of this model to relations between Serbia and Croatia, the chapter compares the context in which the reconciliation process among these countries took place, with a particular focus on the role of the political leadership, thereby mapping contextual differences that could present potential shortcomings in transferring the lessons learned from the Franco-German model.
PB  - Springer, Cham
T2  - Franco-German Relations Seen from Abroad
T1  - “Motor of Europe” as a Potential Role Model for the Western Balkans
SP  - 23
EP  - 36
DO  - 10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_3
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2020",
abstract = "This chapter focuses on the Franco-German reconciliation and cooperation model as a potential role model for improving the relations and cooperation between Serbia and Croatia. It examines key similarities and differences in the particular socio-historical context of the Western Balkans and today’s dynamics of the EU, which impact the extent to which these two countries can mirror the Franco-German model as “core countries” that could push for reconciliation and regional cooperation within the region. In order to examine the extent and applicability of this model to relations between Serbia and Croatia, the chapter compares the context in which the reconciliation process among these countries took place, with a particular focus on the role of the political leadership, thereby mapping contextual differences that could present potential shortcomings in transferring the lessons learned from the Franco-German model.",
publisher = "Springer, Cham",
journal = "Franco-German Relations Seen from Abroad",
booktitle = "“Motor of Europe” as a Potential Role Model for the Western Balkans",
pages = "23-36",
doi = "10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_3"
}

Tepavac, T.. (2020). “Motor of Europe” as a Potential Role Model for the Western Balkans. in Franco-German Relations Seen from Abroad
Springer, Cham., 23-36.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_3

Tepavac T. “Motor of Europe” as a Potential Role Model for the Western Balkans. in Franco-German Relations Seen from Abroad. 2020;:23-36.
doi:10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_3 .

Tepavac, Tara, "“Motor of Europe” as a Potential Role Model for the Western Balkans" in Franco-German Relations Seen from Abroad (2020):23-36,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_3 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Glušac, Luka
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2212
AB  - Istraživanja su već pokazala da je ravnoteža između tri grane vlasti u Srbiji de facto narušena usled centralizacije moći u rukama izvršne vlasti, uz sve ćešće zloupotebe procedura i opstrukcije rada parlamenta i drugih institucija koje nadziru odnosno kontrolišu rad izvršne vlasti. Dugogodišnji izostanak ozbiljne parlamentarne kontrole izvršne vlasti, nerazvijena i nedelotvorna saradnja Narodne skupštine sa telima koja bira i koja su mu za svoj rad odgovorna, izostanak parlamentarne debate i suštinske rasprave u plenumu, kao i neodgovornost narodnih poslanika, doprineli su sistemskom urušavanju položaja parlamenta u Srbiji. Stoga parlament sve češće stiče epitet marginalizovane „glasačke mašine“ koji potvrđuje odluke Vlade. Ovim radom težimo da pokažemo da je centralizacija moći izvršne vlasti u Srbiji otišla dalje od de facto „prevlasti“ nad parlamentom, već i da ima najdirektniji uticaj na urušavanje celokupnog sistema podele vlasti kroz normativno i faktičko onemogućavanje nezavisnog delovanja sudske vlasti i kontrolnih tela, ali i obesmišljavanja učešća civilnog društva u kreiranju javnih politika. Drugim rečima, ovim radom želimo da demonstriramo kontinuiranu intenciju izvršne vlasti da daljom centralizacijom moći i neutralisanjem svih institucija koje njen rad kontrolišu odnosno nadziru, svoj primat ojača i ustoliči.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa
T1  - Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji
SP  - 80
EP  - 102
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Glušac, Luka and Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Istraživanja su već pokazala da je ravnoteža između tri grane vlasti u Srbiji de facto narušena usled centralizacije moći u rukama izvršne vlasti, uz sve ćešće zloupotebe procedura i opstrukcije rada parlamenta i drugih institucija koje nadziru odnosno kontrolišu rad izvršne vlasti. Dugogodišnji izostanak ozbiljne parlamentarne kontrole izvršne vlasti, nerazvijena i nedelotvorna saradnja Narodne skupštine sa telima koja bira i koja su mu za svoj rad odgovorna, izostanak parlamentarne debate i suštinske rasprave u plenumu, kao i neodgovornost narodnih poslanika, doprineli su sistemskom urušavanju položaja parlamenta u Srbiji. Stoga parlament sve češće stiče epitet marginalizovane „glasačke mašine“ koji potvrđuje odluke Vlade. Ovim radom težimo da pokažemo da je centralizacija moći izvršne vlasti u Srbiji otišla dalje od de facto „prevlasti“ nad parlamentom, već i da ima najdirektniji uticaj na urušavanje celokupnog sistema podele vlasti kroz normativno i faktičko onemogućavanje nezavisnog delovanja sudske vlasti i kontrolnih tela, ali i obesmišljavanja učešća civilnog društva u kreiranju javnih politika. Drugim rečima, ovim radom želimo da demonstriramo kontinuiranu intenciju izvršne vlasti da daljom centralizacijom moći i neutralisanjem svih institucija koje njen rad kontrolišu odnosno nadziru, svoj primat ojača i ustoliči.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa",
booktitle = "Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji",
pages = "80-102",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212"
}

Glušac, L.,& Tepavac, T.. (2019). Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji. in Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 80-102.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212

Glušac L, Tepavac T. Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji. in Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa. 2019;:80-102.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212 .

Glušac, Luka, Tepavac, Tara, "Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji" in Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa (2019):80-102,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212 .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3078
AB  - Snažan, efikasan i uticajan parlament, kao izvor legitimnosti vlasti i osnovni element koji omogućava podelu i ravnotežu vlasti, predstavlja „čist blagoslov za demokratizacijuˮ. Upravo zbog toga, funkcionalan parlament od presudne je važnosti za uspostavljanje stabilne i konsolidovane demokratije, posebno u društvima još uvek mlade i manjkave demokratije kakva je u Srbiji. Kako bismo utvrdili kako parlament u Srbiji sprovodi zakonodavnu i kontrolnu funkciju u praksi, analizirali smo i meru i način na koji Narodna skupština koristi procedure, institute i mehanizme koje ima na raspolaganju. Dva osnovna izvora građe u ovom istraživanju su statistički podaci o radu Narodne skupštine i podaci prikupljeni kroz dubinske intervjue s narodnim poslanicima i s predstavnicima akademske i stručne zajednice, međunarodnih organizacija i civilnog društva, koji su nam pružili značajan uvid u percepciju o radu parlamenta i njegovim najznačajnijim mehanizmima, kao i pojašnjenja o načinima funkcionisanja parlamenta. Strukutura ovog izveštaja stoga je podeljena na dve celine. Nakon uvodnog dela, s kratkim pregledom pravno-institucionalnog okvira koji uređuje položaj i rad parlamenta u Srbiji, slede dva centralna poglavlja ovog rada. Fokus prvog poglavlja usmeren je na zakonodavnu funkciju, odnosno na način na koji se zakoni u Skupštini usvajaju. Posebna pažnja usmerena je na aktivnosti narodnih poslanika u plenumu, kao i sve češću praksu zloupotrebe pravila i procedura, kao i posledice po kvalitet legislativne aktivnosti parlamenta. Drugo poglavlje posvećeno je kontrolnoj funkciji parlamenta, odnosno analizi načina na koji Skupština (ne) koristi mehanizame koje ima na raspolaganju. Mehanizam javnih slušanja i rad parlamentarnih odbora obrađeni su u okviru ovog poglavlja, uz naznake značaja koji imaju i za delotvorno sprovođenje zakonodavne funkcije Narodne skupštine. Rad se završava zaključkom, s kratkim osvrtom na ključne nalaze i njihove efekte na funkcionisanje političkog sistema u Srbiji.
AB  - A powerful, efficient and influential parliament, as the source of legitimacy of the authorities and the basic element that enables the division and balance of power, represents a "pure blessing for democratization". For this very reason, a functioning parliament is crucial for establishing a stable and consolidated democracy, especially in societies of still young and deficient democracies such as Serbia. In order to determine how the Parliament in Serbia performs its legislative and oversight functions in practice, we analyzed both the extent and the manner in which the National Assembly uses the procedures, institutes and mechanisms available. Two primary sources of material in this research are statistical data on the work of the National Assembly and the data collected through in-depth interviews with MPs and representatives of the academic and professional community, international organizations and civil society, who provided us with a significant insight into the perception of the work of the Parliament and its most important mechanisms, as well as clarifications on the ways in which the Parliament functions. The structure of this paper is therefore divided into two parts. After the introductory part containing a brief overview of the legal and institutional framework that regulates the position and work of the Parliament in Serbia, there are two central chapters of this paper. The focus of the first chapter is aimed at the legislative
function – the way laws are adopted in the Assembly. Special attention is paid to the activities of MPs in the plenum and to increasingly frequent practices of abuse of rules and procedures, as well as the consequences for the quality of legislative activities of the Parliament. The second chapter is devoted to the oversight function of the Parliament i.e. the analysis of the way in which the Assembly (does not) use
mechanisms at its disposal. The mechanism of public hearing and the work of parliamentary committees have been elaborated within this chapter with indications of their importance for the effective implementation of the legislative function of the National Assembly. The paper ends with a conclusion – a brief overview of the key findings and their effects on the functioning of the political system in Serbia.
PB  - Beograd: Crta
T1  - Narodna skupština Republike Srbije: hram ili paravan demokratije?
T1  - National Assembly of the Republic Of Serbia: Temple or Façade of Democracy?
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3078
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Snažan, efikasan i uticajan parlament, kao izvor legitimnosti vlasti i osnovni element koji omogućava podelu i ravnotežu vlasti, predstavlja „čist blagoslov za demokratizacijuˮ. Upravo zbog toga, funkcionalan parlament od presudne je važnosti za uspostavljanje stabilne i konsolidovane demokratije, posebno u društvima još uvek mlade i manjkave demokratije kakva je u Srbiji. Kako bismo utvrdili kako parlament u Srbiji sprovodi zakonodavnu i kontrolnu funkciju u praksi, analizirali smo i meru i način na koji Narodna skupština koristi procedure, institute i mehanizme koje ima na raspolaganju. Dva osnovna izvora građe u ovom istraživanju su statistički podaci o radu Narodne skupštine i podaci prikupljeni kroz dubinske intervjue s narodnim poslanicima i s predstavnicima akademske i stručne zajednice, međunarodnih organizacija i civilnog društva, koji su nam pružili značajan uvid u percepciju o radu parlamenta i njegovim najznačajnijim mehanizmima, kao i pojašnjenja o načinima funkcionisanja parlamenta. Strukutura ovog izveštaja stoga je podeljena na dve celine. Nakon uvodnog dela, s kratkim pregledom pravno-institucionalnog okvira koji uređuje položaj i rad parlamenta u Srbiji, slede dva centralna poglavlja ovog rada. Fokus prvog poglavlja usmeren je na zakonodavnu funkciju, odnosno na način na koji se zakoni u Skupštini usvajaju. Posebna pažnja usmerena je na aktivnosti narodnih poslanika u plenumu, kao i sve češću praksu zloupotrebe pravila i procedura, kao i posledice po kvalitet legislativne aktivnosti parlamenta. Drugo poglavlje posvećeno je kontrolnoj funkciji parlamenta, odnosno analizi načina na koji Skupština (ne) koristi mehanizame koje ima na raspolaganju. Mehanizam javnih slušanja i rad parlamentarnih odbora obrađeni su u okviru ovog poglavlja, uz naznake značaja koji imaju i za delotvorno sprovođenje zakonodavne funkcije Narodne skupštine. Rad se završava zaključkom, s kratkim osvrtom na ključne nalaze i njihove efekte na funkcionisanje političkog sistema u Srbiji., A powerful, efficient and influential parliament, as the source of legitimacy of the authorities and the basic element that enables the division and balance of power, represents a "pure blessing for democratization". For this very reason, a functioning parliament is crucial for establishing a stable and consolidated democracy, especially in societies of still young and deficient democracies such as Serbia. In order to determine how the Parliament in Serbia performs its legislative and oversight functions in practice, we analyzed both the extent and the manner in which the National Assembly uses the procedures, institutes and mechanisms available. Two primary sources of material in this research are statistical data on the work of the National Assembly and the data collected through in-depth interviews with MPs and representatives of the academic and professional community, international organizations and civil society, who provided us with a significant insight into the perception of the work of the Parliament and its most important mechanisms, as well as clarifications on the ways in which the Parliament functions. The structure of this paper is therefore divided into two parts. After the introductory part containing a brief overview of the legal and institutional framework that regulates the position and work of the Parliament in Serbia, there are two central chapters of this paper. The focus of the first chapter is aimed at the legislative
function – the way laws are adopted in the Assembly. Special attention is paid to the activities of MPs in the plenum and to increasingly frequent practices of abuse of rules and procedures, as well as the consequences for the quality of legislative activities of the Parliament. The second chapter is devoted to the oversight function of the Parliament i.e. the analysis of the way in which the Assembly (does not) use
mechanisms at its disposal. The mechanism of public hearing and the work of parliamentary committees have been elaborated within this chapter with indications of their importance for the effective implementation of the legislative function of the National Assembly. The paper ends with a conclusion – a brief overview of the key findings and their effects on the functioning of the political system in Serbia.",
publisher = "Beograd: Crta",
title = "Narodna skupština Republike Srbije: hram ili paravan demokratije?, National Assembly of the Republic Of Serbia: Temple or Façade of Democracy?",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3078"
}

Tepavac, T.. (2019). Narodna skupština Republike Srbije: hram ili paravan demokratije?. 
Beograd: Crta..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3078

Tepavac T. Narodna skupština Republike Srbije: hram ili paravan demokratije?. 2019;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3078 .

Tepavac, Tara, "Narodna skupština Republike Srbije: hram ili paravan demokratije?" (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3078 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Ilić, Vujo
AU  - Branković, Tamara
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2242
AB  - This case study describes the boycotts of parliament in Serbia since the multi-party elections in 1990, with a special focus on the 2019 boycott, as well as the main reasons behind and the effects of these boycotts. The research used the data from the literature and newspapers about the parliamentary boycotts from 1990 to 2019, the Open Parliament Initiative data on the conditions in parliament in the current session, as well as the original data obtained on the 2019 boycott through a survey of MPs and opinion polling. Our study shows that boycotts in Serbia are not a frequent phenomenon. The ethnic minority parties first started boycotts of parliament as early as the first multi-party elections in 1990. The first boycott of parliament by a nationwide group of opposition parties was in 1995 and was caused by the ending of live broadcasts of parliamentary sessions. On two occasions a single opposition party boycotted parliament for a prolonged period of time in 2000 and 2005. Finally, the 2019 boycott of parliament is only the fourth identified boycott, and the most radical since 1995. Due to the importance and the relevance of the ongoing boycott, we focus on the conditions in the 2016 parliament, especially the blocking of the minority’s role in the legislative and oversight functions of parliament, as well as the specific phenomenon of majority filibustering, effectively disabling the debate about the laws, which became a permanent feature in parliament from December 2017. The 2019 boycott was in the making since the “boycott of warning” in May 2017; however it accelerated from autumn 2018 in the context of mass protests and the formation of a coalition of opposition parties. Out of 88 opposition MPs, 55 MPs participate in the boycott. They explain their decision in terms of dissatisfaction with parliament’s performance and the reaction to the demands of the protesters. Their primary stated aim is to put pressure on the majority and change practices in parliament. However, polling in March 2019 showed that support for the boycott is not as widespread in the general public. Boycotts in Serbia usually occur in circumstances of pronounced power asymmetry between the majority government and the opposition minority. Boycotts are primarily a means for the minority to resolve the inability to communicate their messages to their voters through parliament. They usually happen in conjunction with other political developments, such as elections, mass protests and the formation of opposition party coalitions. As such, they are a product of the need to attain both internal (fixing parliamentary procedures) and external (mobilising voters) goals. In the Serbian experience they usually lack a clear strategy and do not escalate over time. As for the effects, in the short term, the effects on the legal/regulative environment are not significant. The boycotts might however have some effects in institutional terms, particularly on the legitimacy of appointees by parliament. The majority usually responds initially to the boycotts with disdain, however it might ultimately respond to the demands of the minority. The support for the boycotts is mixed in the electorate, and very low among international political actors. Finally, if prolonged/escalated, or continued into an election boycott, the boycott of parliament might lead to either further marginalisation of opposition actors or of parliament itself.
PB  - Belgrade : Westminster Foundation for Democracy
T2  - Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans
T1  - Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans: Case Study, Serbia
SP  - 108
EP  - 128
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2242
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Ilić, Vujo and Branković, Tamara and Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This case study describes the boycotts of parliament in Serbia since the multi-party elections in 1990, with a special focus on the 2019 boycott, as well as the main reasons behind and the effects of these boycotts. The research used the data from the literature and newspapers about the parliamentary boycotts from 1990 to 2019, the Open Parliament Initiative data on the conditions in parliament in the current session, as well as the original data obtained on the 2019 boycott through a survey of MPs and opinion polling. Our study shows that boycotts in Serbia are not a frequent phenomenon. The ethnic minority parties first started boycotts of parliament as early as the first multi-party elections in 1990. The first boycott of parliament by a nationwide group of opposition parties was in 1995 and was caused by the ending of live broadcasts of parliamentary sessions. On two occasions a single opposition party boycotted parliament for a prolonged period of time in 2000 and 2005. Finally, the 2019 boycott of parliament is only the fourth identified boycott, and the most radical since 1995. Due to the importance and the relevance of the ongoing boycott, we focus on the conditions in the 2016 parliament, especially the blocking of the minority’s role in the legislative and oversight functions of parliament, as well as the specific phenomenon of majority filibustering, effectively disabling the debate about the laws, which became a permanent feature in parliament from December 2017. The 2019 boycott was in the making since the “boycott of warning” in May 2017; however it accelerated from autumn 2018 in the context of mass protests and the formation of a coalition of opposition parties. Out of 88 opposition MPs, 55 MPs participate in the boycott. They explain their decision in terms of dissatisfaction with parliament’s performance and the reaction to the demands of the protesters. Their primary stated aim is to put pressure on the majority and change practices in parliament. However, polling in March 2019 showed that support for the boycott is not as widespread in the general public. Boycotts in Serbia usually occur in circumstances of pronounced power asymmetry between the majority government and the opposition minority. Boycotts are primarily a means for the minority to resolve the inability to communicate their messages to their voters through parliament. They usually happen in conjunction with other political developments, such as elections, mass protests and the formation of opposition party coalitions. As such, they are a product of the need to attain both internal (fixing parliamentary procedures) and external (mobilising voters) goals. In the Serbian experience they usually lack a clear strategy and do not escalate over time. As for the effects, in the short term, the effects on the legal/regulative environment are not significant. The boycotts might however have some effects in institutional terms, particularly on the legitimacy of appointees by parliament. The majority usually responds initially to the boycotts with disdain, however it might ultimately respond to the demands of the minority. The support for the boycotts is mixed in the electorate, and very low among international political actors. Finally, if prolonged/escalated, or continued into an election boycott, the boycott of parliament might lead to either further marginalisation of opposition actors or of parliament itself.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Westminster Foundation for Democracy",
journal = "Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans",
booktitle = "Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans: Case Study, Serbia",
pages = "108-128",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2242"
}

Ilić, V., Branković, T.,& Tepavac, T.. (2019). Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans: Case Study, Serbia. in Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans
Belgrade : Westminster Foundation for Democracy., 108-128.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2242

Ilić V, Branković T, Tepavac T. Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans: Case Study, Serbia. in Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans. 2019;:108-128.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2242 .

Ilić, Vujo, Branković, Tamara, Tepavac, Tara, "Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans: Case Study, Serbia" in Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans (2019):108-128,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2242 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3075
AB  - Funkcionalan parlament, koji efikasno i delotvorno vrši svoju predstavničku, zakonodavnu, kontrolnu i izbornu funkciju, predstavlja jedan od osnovnih preduslova za očuvanje ravnoteže vlasti, odnosno kamen temeljac vladavine prava. Međutim, iako ustavni dizajn na prvi pogled obezbeđuje jake garancije za podelu vlasti i snažnu ulogu parlamenta u Srbiji, sve veća koncentracija moći u rukama izvršne vlasti i političkih partija, kao i sistemske zloupotrebe demokratskih procedura, dovode do urušavanja položaja i uticaja parlamenta. Polazeći od Ustava Republike Srbije i uređenja vlasti koje predviđa, u ovom radu analizira se moć i uticaj koji parlament ima de jure i de facto u političkom sistemu Srbije. Analizirajući odnos zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti u Srbiji, ovim radom ističemo značajnu razliku između principa podele vlasti koja je de jure definisana Ustavom, i neravnoteže vlasti koja de facto postoji. Time ispitujemo domet uticaja koji ustavni dizajn ima na uspostavljanje i očuvanje vladavine prava, kao i potencijalne zloupotrebe istog od strane nedemokratskih vođa kako bi uz „fasadnu” demokratiju, zloupotrebu i kršenje demokratskih procedura, konsolidovali vlast. U radu se zaključuje da su uloga i uticaj parlamenta u političkom sistemu Srbije u praksi znatno manji nego što je predviđeno samim ustavnim dizajnom, uz alarmantno nizak stepen odgovornosti prema delotvornom vršenju svojih funkcija.
AB  - A functioning parliament, which efficiently and effectively performs its representative, legislative, control and electoral functions, is one of the basic preconditions for preserving the system of checks and balances, as the cornerstone of the rule of law. However, although the constitutional design at first glance provides strong guarantees for the separation of powers and a strong role of the Parliament in Serbia, the growing concentration of power in the hands of the executive and political parties, as well as systemic misuse of democratic procedures, are resulting in degradation of the position and influence of the Parliament. Starting from the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia and envisaged organization of government, this paper analyzes the power and influence that the parliament has de jure and de facto in Serbian political system.

By analyzing the relationship between the legislative and executive powers in Serbia, this paper underlines a significant difference between the principle of the separation of powers that is de jure defined by the Constitution, and their imbalance that exists de facto. Along these lines, the paper examines the extent of the influence that constitutional design has on the establishment and preservation of the rule of law, as well as its potential misuse by undemocratic leaders with the aim to consolidate the power with a “façade” democracy, abuse and violation of democratic procedures. The paper concludes that the role and influence of the Parliament in the political system of Serbia is in practice much lower than the constitutional design stipulated, with an alarmingly low level of responsibility for the effective performance of its functions.
PB  - Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka
C3  - Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji
T1  - Podela vlasti u ustavnom dizajnu i (ne)ravnoteža vlasti u praksi: slučaj Srbije
SP  - 327
EP  - 341
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3075
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Funkcionalan parlament, koji efikasno i delotvorno vrši svoju predstavničku, zakonodavnu, kontrolnu i izbornu funkciju, predstavlja jedan od osnovnih preduslova za očuvanje ravnoteže vlasti, odnosno kamen temeljac vladavine prava. Međutim, iako ustavni dizajn na prvi pogled obezbeđuje jake garancije za podelu vlasti i snažnu ulogu parlamenta u Srbiji, sve veća koncentracija moći u rukama izvršne vlasti i političkih partija, kao i sistemske zloupotrebe demokratskih procedura, dovode do urušavanja položaja i uticaja parlamenta. Polazeći od Ustava Republike Srbije i uređenja vlasti koje predviđa, u ovom radu analizira se moć i uticaj koji parlament ima de jure i de facto u političkom sistemu Srbije. Analizirajući odnos zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti u Srbiji, ovim radom ističemo značajnu razliku između principa podele vlasti koja je de jure definisana Ustavom, i neravnoteže vlasti koja de facto postoji. Time ispitujemo domet uticaja koji ustavni dizajn ima na uspostavljanje i očuvanje vladavine prava, kao i potencijalne zloupotrebe istog od strane nedemokratskih vođa kako bi uz „fasadnu” demokratiju, zloupotrebu i kršenje demokratskih procedura, konsolidovali vlast. U radu se zaključuje da su uloga i uticaj parlamenta u političkom sistemu Srbije u praksi znatno manji nego što je predviđeno samim ustavnim dizajnom, uz alarmantno nizak stepen odgovornosti prema delotvornom vršenju svojih funkcija., A functioning parliament, which efficiently and effectively performs its representative, legislative, control and electoral functions, is one of the basic preconditions for preserving the system of checks and balances, as the cornerstone of the rule of law. However, although the constitutional design at first glance provides strong guarantees for the separation of powers and a strong role of the Parliament in Serbia, the growing concentration of power in the hands of the executive and political parties, as well as systemic misuse of democratic procedures, are resulting in degradation of the position and influence of the Parliament. Starting from the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia and envisaged organization of government, this paper analyzes the power and influence that the parliament has de jure and de facto in Serbian political system.

By analyzing the relationship between the legislative and executive powers in Serbia, this paper underlines a significant difference between the principle of the separation of powers that is de jure defined by the Constitution, and their imbalance that exists de facto. Along these lines, the paper examines the extent of the influence that constitutional design has on the establishment and preservation of the rule of law, as well as its potential misuse by undemocratic leaders with the aim to consolidate the power with a “façade” democracy, abuse and violation of democratic procedures. The paper concludes that the role and influence of the Parliament in the political system of Serbia is in practice much lower than the constitutional design stipulated, with an alarmingly low level of responsibility for the effective performance of its functions.",
publisher = "Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije, Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji",
title = "Podela vlasti u ustavnom dizajnu i (ne)ravnoteža vlasti u praksi: slučaj Srbije",
pages = "327-341",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3075"
}

Tepavac, T.. (2018). Podela vlasti u ustavnom dizajnu i (ne)ravnoteža vlasti u praksi: slučaj Srbije. in Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji
Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije., 327-341.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3075

Tepavac T. Podela vlasti u ustavnom dizajnu i (ne)ravnoteža vlasti u praksi: slučaj Srbije. in Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji. 2018;:327-341.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3075 .

Tepavac, Tara, "Podela vlasti u ustavnom dizajnu i (ne)ravnoteža vlasti u praksi: slučaj Srbije" in Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji (2018):327-341,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3075 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3184
AB  - Snažan i uticajan parlament je kamen temeljac pravne države i vladavine prava i jedan od osnovnih preduslova stabilne demokratije. U tom smislu, funkcionalan parlament koji delotvorno nadzire i kontroliše rad Vlade i organa izvršne vlasti uopšte, a posebno u procesu pridruživanja EU, predstavlja jedan od osnovnih preduslova za očuvanje ravnoteže vlasti i vladavine prava. Međutim, sve veća koncentracija moći u rukama izvršne vlasti odnosno političkih partija utiče na (ne)delotvorno sprovođenje osnovnih funkcija skupštine, preteći da degradira i uruši položaj, ulogu i uticaj ove institucije u Srbiji. Ovaj rad preispituje moć i uticaj koji parlament ima de jure i de facto u političkom sistemu Srbije, sa posebnim fokusom na njegovu delotvornost u sprovođenju nadzora odnosno kontrole nad izvršnom vlašću. Zaključuje se da je ponovno osnaživanje položaja i uticaja institucije Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije i suštinskog, kao i delotvornog sprovođenja njene kontrolne funcije neophodno.
AB  - Powerful and influential parliament is the cornerstone of the rule of law and the rule of law and one of the basic preconditions for a stable democracy. In this sense, a functioning parliament that effectively monitors and controls the work of the executive, in general and in the process of EU accession particularly, is one of the basic preconditions for preserving the balance of power and the rule of law. However, the ongoing tendencies of increased concentration of power in the hands of the executive and political parties influencing the (in)effective implementation of the basic functions of the parliament in Serbia are threatening to further degrade the position, role and influence of the parliament in Serbia. This paper reviews the power and influence that the parliament has de jure and de facto in the political system of Serbia, with a special focus on its effectiveness in exercising oversight and control over the executive. The paper concludes that it is necessary to reinstate the position and influence of the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia, as well as substantial and effective exercising of its control function.
PB  - Beograd : Pravni fakultet, Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje
T2  - Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije: zbornik radova. Knj. 7
T1  - Kontrolna funkcija Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije
SP  - 699
EP  - 709
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3184
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Snažan i uticajan parlament je kamen temeljac pravne države i vladavine prava i jedan od osnovnih preduslova stabilne demokratije. U tom smislu, funkcionalan parlament koji delotvorno nadzire i kontroliše rad Vlade i organa izvršne vlasti uopšte, a posebno u procesu pridruživanja EU, predstavlja jedan od osnovnih preduslova za očuvanje ravnoteže vlasti i vladavine prava. Međutim, sve veća koncentracija moći u rukama izvršne vlasti odnosno političkih partija utiče na (ne)delotvorno sprovođenje osnovnih funkcija skupštine, preteći da degradira i uruši položaj, ulogu i uticaj ove institucije u Srbiji. Ovaj rad preispituje moć i uticaj koji parlament ima de jure i de facto u političkom sistemu Srbije, sa posebnim fokusom na njegovu delotvornost u sprovođenju nadzora odnosno kontrole nad izvršnom vlašću. Zaključuje se da je ponovno osnaživanje položaja i uticaja institucije Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije i suštinskog, kao i delotvornog sprovođenja njene kontrolne funcije neophodno., Powerful and influential parliament is the cornerstone of the rule of law and the rule of law and one of the basic preconditions for a stable democracy. In this sense, a functioning parliament that effectively monitors and controls the work of the executive, in general and in the process of EU accession particularly, is one of the basic preconditions for preserving the balance of power and the rule of law. However, the ongoing tendencies of increased concentration of power in the hands of the executive and political parties influencing the (in)effective implementation of the basic functions of the parliament in Serbia are threatening to further degrade the position, role and influence of the parliament in Serbia. This paper reviews the power and influence that the parliament has de jure and de facto in the political system of Serbia, with a special focus on its effectiveness in exercising oversight and control over the executive. The paper concludes that it is necessary to reinstate the position and influence of the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia, as well as substantial and effective exercising of its control function.",
publisher = "Beograd : Pravni fakultet, Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje",
journal = "Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije: zbornik radova. Knj. 7",
booktitle = "Kontrolna funkcija Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije",
pages = "699-709",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3184"
}

Tepavac, T.. (2017). Kontrolna funkcija Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije: zbornik radova. Knj. 7
Beograd : Pravni fakultet, Centar za izdavaštvo i informisanje., 699-709.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3184

Tepavac T. Kontrolna funkcija Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije. in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije: zbornik radova. Knj. 7. 2017;:699-709.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3184 .

Tepavac, Tara, "Kontrolna funkcija Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije" in Perspektive implementacije evropskih standarda u pravni sistem Srbije: zbornik radova. Knj. 7 (2017):699-709,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3184 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3077
AB  - Uprkos potencijalu da obeleţi konačni prekid sa tradicijom donošenja Ustava bez konsultacija javnosti i šireg društvenog konsenzusa, Ustav Republike Srbije iz 2006. godine donet je u ishitrenoj atmosferi koja je nepopravljivo umanjila njegov legitimitet. Nakon ubrzane  pripreme,  kratkih pregovora partijskih struktura i potpunog izostanka javne i parlamentarne rasprave, poslanici Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije usvojili su predlog novog Ustava, koji  su  umesto  nadležnog  parlamentarnog Odbora za ustavna pitanja i zakonodavstvo sastavili predstavnici uskog kruga najznačajnijih stranaka. Pored problema legitimiteta, višestruki razlozi podstakli su stručnjake i javnost da ubrzo pokrenu pitanje revizije Ustava, počev od nedostataka u sadržaju Ustava i nezadovoljstva nedoslednim ustavnim rešenjima, pa do neophodnih izmena u okviru procesa pristupanja Srbije Evropskoj uniji. S obzirom na to da je promena važećeg Ustava danas izvesna, predstojeći proces Ustavne revizije treba iskoristiti za unapređenje ustavnih rešenja kojima  se pravno-političko uređenje države može znatno poboljšati. Među njima je i definisanje položaja i uticaja nezavisnih organa kao jedne od ključnih komponenti stabilnog i efikasnog demokratskog sistema, razvijenog na principima vladavine prava i dobre uprave.
PB  - Kragujevac: Udruženje za evropsko pravo
T2  - Revija za evropsko pravo
T1  - Živo slovo na papiru: nezavisni organi u procesu revizije Ustava
IS  - 1
VL  - 19
SP  - 115
EP  - 128
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3077
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Uprkos potencijalu da obeleţi konačni prekid sa tradicijom donošenja Ustava bez konsultacija javnosti i šireg društvenog konsenzusa, Ustav Republike Srbije iz 2006. godine donet je u ishitrenoj atmosferi koja je nepopravljivo umanjila njegov legitimitet. Nakon ubrzane  pripreme,  kratkih pregovora partijskih struktura i potpunog izostanka javne i parlamentarne rasprave, poslanici Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije usvojili su predlog novog Ustava, koji  su  umesto  nadležnog  parlamentarnog Odbora za ustavna pitanja i zakonodavstvo sastavili predstavnici uskog kruga najznačajnijih stranaka. Pored problema legitimiteta, višestruki razlozi podstakli su stručnjake i javnost da ubrzo pokrenu pitanje revizije Ustava, počev od nedostataka u sadržaju Ustava i nezadovoljstva nedoslednim ustavnim rešenjima, pa do neophodnih izmena u okviru procesa pristupanja Srbije Evropskoj uniji. S obzirom na to da je promena važećeg Ustava danas izvesna, predstojeći proces Ustavne revizije treba iskoristiti za unapređenje ustavnih rešenja kojima  se pravno-političko uređenje države može znatno poboljšati. Među njima je i definisanje položaja i uticaja nezavisnih organa kao jedne od ključnih komponenti stabilnog i efikasnog demokratskog sistema, razvijenog na principima vladavine prava i dobre uprave.",
publisher = "Kragujevac: Udruženje za evropsko pravo",
journal = "Revija za evropsko pravo",
title = "Živo slovo na papiru: nezavisni organi u procesu revizije Ustava",
number = "1",
volume = "19",
pages = "115-128",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3077"
}

Tepavac, T.. (2017). Živo slovo na papiru: nezavisni organi u procesu revizije Ustava. in Revija za evropsko pravo
Kragujevac: Udruženje za evropsko pravo., 19(1), 115-128.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3077

Tepavac T. Živo slovo na papiru: nezavisni organi u procesu revizije Ustava. in Revija za evropsko pravo. 2017;19(1):115-128.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3077 .

Tepavac, Tara, "Živo slovo na papiru: nezavisni organi u procesu revizije Ustava" in Revija za evropsko pravo, 19, no. 1 (2017):115-128,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3077 .