TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vranić, Bojan
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php?journal=fid&page=article&op=view&path%5B%5D=459
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/1888
AB  - The aim of this paper is to explore the relation between democratic values and emotions. The author argues that democratic values and emotional judgments are inter-reducible: political agents use emotional judgments to re- flexively evaluate normative paradigms of political life. In the first part of the paper, the author describes the state of emotions in contemporary political philosophy and identifies Charles Stevenson’s ethical conception of emotivism as the first comprehensive attempt to neutrally conceptualize emotions in mor- al and political thinking. The second part of the paper explores the shortcomings of emotivism and finds an adequate alternative in Martha Nussbaum’s concept of emotional judgment as the one that contains beliefs and values about social objects. In the final part of the paper, the author identifies that moral and polit- ical disagreements emerge in democracies from ranking of the importance of political objects. The evaluation criteria for this type of ranking is derived from democratic values which are reducible to agents’ emotional judgments.
AB  - Cilj rada je da istraži odnos između demokratskih vrednosti i emocija. Autor tvrdi da su demokratske vrednosti i emocije međusobno svodljivi: politički akteri služe se emocionalnim sudovima kako bi refleksivno ocenili normativne paradigme političkog života. U prvom delu rada, autor opisuje stanje u savremenoj političkoj filozofiji u vezi sa emocijama i identifikuje etičku koncepciju emotivizma Čarlsa Stivensona kao prvi celoviti pokušaj neutralne konceptualizacije emocija u moralnom i političkom mišljenju. Drugi deo rada istražuje nedostatke emotivizma i nalazi adekvatnu alternativu u konceptu emocionalnih sudova Marte Nusbaum, kao one koja uključuje verovanja o društvenim objektima i njihove vrednosti. U zaključnom delu rada, autor tvrdi da su moralni i politički sporovi u demokratijama rezultat rangiranja političkih objekata po važnosti. Kriterijum evaluacije takvog tipa rangiranja je izveden is demokratskih vrednosti koje su svodljive na emocionalne sudove aktera.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society
T1  - Democratic values, emotions and emotivism
T1  - Demokratske vrednosti, emocije i emotivizam
IS  - 4
VL  - 27
SP  - 723
EP  - 738
DO  - 10.2298/FID1604723V
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vranić, Bojan",
year = "2016",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to explore the relation between democratic values and emotions. The author argues that democratic values and emotional judgments are inter-reducible: political agents use emotional judgments to re- flexively evaluate normative paradigms of political life. In the first part of the paper, the author describes the state of emotions in contemporary political philosophy and identifies Charles Stevenson’s ethical conception of emotivism as the first comprehensive attempt to neutrally conceptualize emotions in mor- al and political thinking. The second part of the paper explores the shortcomings of emotivism and finds an adequate alternative in Martha Nussbaum’s concept of emotional judgment as the one that contains beliefs and values about social objects. In the final part of the paper, the author identifies that moral and polit- ical disagreements emerge in democracies from ranking of the importance of political objects. The evaluation criteria for this type of ranking is derived from democratic values which are reducible to agents’ emotional judgments., Cilj rada je da istraži odnos između demokratskih vrednosti i emocija. Autor tvrdi da su demokratske vrednosti i emocije međusobno svodljivi: politički akteri služe se emocionalnim sudovima kako bi refleksivno ocenili normativne paradigme političkog života. U prvom delu rada, autor opisuje stanje u savremenoj političkoj filozofiji u vezi sa emocijama i identifikuje etičku koncepciju emotivizma Čarlsa Stivensona kao prvi celoviti pokušaj neutralne konceptualizacije emocija u moralnom i političkom mišljenju. Drugi deo rada istražuje nedostatke emotivizma i nalazi adekvatnu alternativu u konceptu emocionalnih sudova Marte Nusbaum, kao one koja uključuje verovanja o društvenim objektima i njihove vrednosti. U zaključnom delu rada, autor tvrdi da su moralni i politički sporovi u demokratijama rezultat rangiranja političkih objekata po važnosti. Kriterijum evaluacije takvog tipa rangiranja je izveden is demokratskih vrednosti koje su svodljive na emocionalne sudove aktera.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society",
title = "Democratic values, emotions and emotivism, Demokratske vrednosti, emocije i emotivizam",
number = "4",
volume = "27",
pages = "723-738",
doi = "10.2298/FID1604723V"
}

Vranić, B.. (2016). Democratic values, emotions and emotivism. in Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 27(4), 723-738.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1604723V

Vranić B. Democratic values, emotions and emotivism. in Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society. 2016;27(4):723-738.
doi:10.2298/FID1604723V .

Vranić, Bojan, "Democratic values, emotions and emotivism" in Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society, 27, no. 4 (2016):723-738,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1604723V . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Ilić, Vujo
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2240
AB  - Autor se u ovom radu bavi teorijskim određenjem etničkih stereotipa, operacionalizacijom ovog koncepta i njegovom primenom na sadržaj albanskih i srpskih udžbenika istorije. On zatim daje pregled prethodnih istraživanja etničkih stereotipa na prostoru Srbije i iznosi rezultate kvantitativne i kvalitativne analize udžbenika. Rezultati ove analize su svrstani u osam kategorija: srpski pozitivni autostereotipi, srpski negativni autostereotipi, srpski stereotipi o Albancima, srpski stereotipi o Turcima, albanski pozitivni autostereotipi, albanski negativni autostereotipi, albanski stereotipi o Srbima i albanski stereotipi o Turcima.
PB  - Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka
T2  - Etnički stereotipi i nacionalni mitovi kao prepreke pomirenju u srpsko-albanskim odnosima
T1  - Etnički stereotipi u albanskim i srpskim udžbenicima istorije
SP  - 177
EP  - 209
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2240
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Ilić, Vujo",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Autor se u ovom radu bavi teorijskim određenjem etničkih stereotipa, operacionalizacijom ovog koncepta i njegovom primenom na sadržaj albanskih i srpskih udžbenika istorije. On zatim daje pregled prethodnih istraživanja etničkih stereotipa na prostoru Srbije i iznosi rezultate kvantitativne i kvalitativne analize udžbenika. Rezultati ove analize su svrstani u osam kategorija: srpski pozitivni autostereotipi, srpski negativni autostereotipi, srpski stereotipi o Albancima, srpski stereotipi o Turcima, albanski pozitivni autostereotipi, albanski negativni autostereotipi, albanski stereotipi o Srbima i albanski stereotipi o Turcima.",
publisher = "Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Etnički stereotipi i nacionalni mitovi kao prepreke pomirenju u srpsko-albanskim odnosima",
booktitle = "Etnički stereotipi u albanskim i srpskim udžbenicima istorije",
pages = "177-209",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2240"
}

Ilić, V.. (2015). Etnički stereotipi u albanskim i srpskim udžbenicima istorije. in Etnički stereotipi i nacionalni mitovi kao prepreke pomirenju u srpsko-albanskim odnosima
Beograd : Fakultet političkih nauka., 177-209.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2240

Ilić V. Etnički stereotipi u albanskim i srpskim udžbenicima istorije. in Etnički stereotipi i nacionalni mitovi kao prepreke pomirenju u srpsko-albanskim odnosima. 2015;:177-209.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2240 .

Ilić, Vujo, "Etnički stereotipi u albanskim i srpskim udžbenicima istorije" in Etnički stereotipi i nacionalni mitovi kao prepreke pomirenju u srpsko-albanskim odnosima (2015):177-209,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2240 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Stojiljković, Zoran
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/118
AB  - The author starts from the hypothesis that it is essential for the countries of the region to critically assess the synergy established between systemic, political corruption and a selectively weak, “devious” nature of the state. Moreover, the key dilemma is whether the expanded practice of political rent seeking supports the conclusion that the root of all corruption is in the very existence of the state – particularly in excessive, selective and deforming state interventions and benefits that create a fertile ground for corruption? The author argues that the destructive combination of weak government and rampant political corruption is based on scattered state intervention, while also rule the parties cartel in the executive branch subordinate to parliament, the judiciary and the police. Corrupt exchange takes place with the absence of strong institutional framework and the precise rules of the political and electoral games, control of public finances and effective political and anti-monopoly legislation and practice included. Exit from the current situation can be seen in the realization of effective anti-corruption strategy that integrates preventive and repressive measures and activities and lead to the establishment of principles of good governance.
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - Politička korupcija i slaba država
T1  - Political corruption and Weak State
SP  - 135
EP  - 159
DO  - 10.2298/FID1301160J
ER  - 

@article{
editor = "Jovanov, Rastko",
author = "Stojiljković, Zoran",
year = "2013",
abstract = "The author starts from the hypothesis that it is essential for the countries of the region to critically assess the synergy established between systemic, political corruption and a selectively weak, “devious” nature of the state. Moreover, the key dilemma is whether the expanded practice of political rent seeking supports the conclusion that the root of all corruption is in the very existence of the state – particularly in excessive, selective and deforming state interventions and benefits that create a fertile ground for corruption? The author argues that the destructive combination of weak government and rampant political corruption is based on scattered state intervention, while also rule the parties cartel in the executive branch subordinate to parliament, the judiciary and the police. Corrupt exchange takes place with the absence of strong institutional framework and the precise rules of the political and electoral games, control of public finances and effective political and anti-monopoly legislation and practice included. Exit from the current situation can be seen in the realization of effective anti-corruption strategy that integrates preventive and repressive measures and activities and lead to the establishment of principles of good governance.",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "Politička korupcija i slaba država, Political corruption and Weak State",
pages = "135-159",
doi = "10.2298/FID1301160J"
}

Jovanov, R.,& Stojiljković, Z.. (2013). Politička korupcija i slaba država. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 135-159.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1301160J

Jovanov R, Stojiljković Z. Politička korupcija i slaba država. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2013;:135-159.
doi:10.2298/FID1301160J .

Jovanov, Rastko, Stojiljković, Zoran, "Politička korupcija i slaba država" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society (2013):135-159,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1301160J . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pavlović, Aleksandar
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/1696
AB  - The article approaches the question of political views promoted by oral tradition
through Carl Schmitt’s notion of politics as the distinction between friend and
enemy. It focuses on four versions of “Perović Batrić”, a comparatively short Montenegrin
song with a typical subject of blood revenge, documented during the
first half of the nineteenth century in Serbia, Montenegro and Herzegovina. It is
demonstated that the only version documented without any impact of the ruling
Montenegrin Petrović family from Cetinje displays explicit antagonism between
the Montenegrin and Herzegovinian Orthodox Christian tribes and has no explicit
antiturkish sentiment. In addition, two other versions written down from Montenegrin
singers influenced by Cetinje as the political centre show the consolidation
of political perspective and emphasize the hostilities between the Montenegrins
and the local Turks. True political character of the enemy in the Schmittian sense,
it is argued, is finally recognized only in the version of “Perović Batrić” edited by
the Montenegrin bishop-prince Petar Petrović Njegoš II. In this song, the hostility
towards Batrić’s adversary Osman follows not from his tribal conformity or his
distinctive personality, but from his “Turkishness” as such. It is therefore argued
that this recognition of the specifically political character of the enemy occurred
under the increasing influence of Cetinje (as the political centre) on the representation
of the oral tradition and that nationalistic elements in oral tradition mainly
became associated with it, and inserted into it, during the process of publication
and canonization of the oral tradition in the first half of the nineteenth century
PB  - Belgrade: The Centre for Empirical Cultural Studies of South-East Europe
T2  - Us and Them – Symbolic Divisions in Western Balkan Societies
T1  - Naming/Taming the Enemy: Balkan Oral Tradition and the Formation of ‘the Turk’ as the Political Enemy
SP  - 19
EP  - 36
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_1696
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Pavlović, Aleksandar",
year = "2013",
abstract = "The article approaches the question of political views promoted by oral tradition
through Carl Schmitt’s notion of politics as the distinction between friend and
enemy. It focuses on four versions of “Perović Batrić”, a comparatively short Montenegrin
song with a typical subject of blood revenge, documented during the
first half of the nineteenth century in Serbia, Montenegro and Herzegovina. It is
demonstated that the only version documented without any impact of the ruling
Montenegrin Petrović family from Cetinje displays explicit antagonism between
the Montenegrin and Herzegovinian Orthodox Christian tribes and has no explicit
antiturkish sentiment. In addition, two other versions written down from Montenegrin
singers influenced by Cetinje as the political centre show the consolidation
of political perspective and emphasize the hostilities between the Montenegrins
and the local Turks. True political character of the enemy in the Schmittian sense,
it is argued, is finally recognized only in the version of “Perović Batrić” edited by
the Montenegrin bishop-prince Petar Petrović Njegoš II. In this song, the hostility
towards Batrić’s adversary Osman follows not from his tribal conformity or his
distinctive personality, but from his “Turkishness” as such. It is therefore argued
that this recognition of the specifically political character of the enemy occurred
under the increasing influence of Cetinje (as the political centre) on the representation
of the oral tradition and that nationalistic elements in oral tradition mainly
became associated with it, and inserted into it, during the process of publication
and canonization of the oral tradition in the first half of the nineteenth century",
publisher = "Belgrade: The Centre for Empirical Cultural Studies of South-East Europe",
journal = "Us and Them – Symbolic Divisions in Western Balkan Societies",
booktitle = "Naming/Taming the Enemy: Balkan Oral Tradition and the Formation of ‘the Turk’ as the Political Enemy",
pages = "19-36",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_1696"
}

Pavlović, A.. (2013). Naming/Taming the Enemy: Balkan Oral Tradition and the Formation of ‘the Turk’ as the Political Enemy. in Us and Them – Symbolic Divisions in Western Balkan Societies
Belgrade: The Centre for Empirical Cultural Studies of South-East Europe., 19-36.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_1696

Pavlović A. Naming/Taming the Enemy: Balkan Oral Tradition and the Formation of ‘the Turk’ as the Political Enemy. in Us and Them – Symbolic Divisions in Western Balkan Societies. 2013;:19-36.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_1696 .

Pavlović, Aleksandar, "Naming/Taming the Enemy: Balkan Oral Tradition and the Formation of ‘the Turk’ as the Political Enemy" in Us and Them – Symbolic Divisions in Western Balkan Societies (2013):19-36,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_1696 .