TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2545
AB  - Koncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava kakav danas poznajemo nastao je pod okriljem Ujedinjenih nacija. Iako su nacionalne institucije za ljudska prava u savremenom kontekstu predmet rastućeg broja istraživanja, evolutivni put same ideje o njihovom stvaranju ostao je umnogome neosvetljen. Ovim radom se želi doprineti popunjavanju te praznine u literaturi, tako što se kroz analizu ključnih dokumenata nastalih u radu Ujedinjenih nacija prati istorijat ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava od kraja Drugog svetskog rata do usvajanja Ženevskih smernica 1978. godine. Rad otkiva kako se sam koncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava razvijao kroz vreme, kako je razumevan, koje funkcije su vezivane za ove institucije, a koje organizacione forme uzimane kao modeli. U radu se sagledavaju kretanja stavova država članica u odnosu na dato pitanje i omogućava bolje razumevanje konteksta u kojem se ova ideja razvijala. S tim u vezi, rad nudi nova saznanja o tome kako je proces pregovaranja osnovnih konvencija UN o ljudskim pravima uticao na razvoj ideje o stvaranju nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava, što je faktor koji dosad nije razmatran.
PB  - Beograd: Institut za uporedno pravo
T2  - Strani pravni život
T1  - Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978)
IS  - 1
VL  - 66
SP  - 59
EP  - 74
DO  - 10 .5937/spz66-36226
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Koncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava kakav danas poznajemo nastao je pod okriljem Ujedinjenih nacija. Iako su nacionalne institucije za ljudska prava u savremenom kontekstu predmet rastućeg broja istraživanja, evolutivni put same ideje o njihovom stvaranju ostao je umnogome neosvetljen. Ovim radom se želi doprineti popunjavanju te praznine u literaturi, tako što se kroz analizu ključnih dokumenata nastalih u radu Ujedinjenih nacija prati istorijat ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava od kraja Drugog svetskog rata do usvajanja Ženevskih smernica 1978. godine. Rad otkiva kako se sam koncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava razvijao kroz vreme, kako je razumevan, koje funkcije su vezivane za ove institucije, a koje organizacione forme uzimane kao modeli. U radu se sagledavaju kretanja stavova država članica u odnosu na dato pitanje i omogućava bolje razumevanje konteksta u kojem se ova ideja razvijala. S tim u vezi, rad nudi nova saznanja o tome kako je proces pregovaranja osnovnih konvencija UN o ljudskim pravima uticao na razvoj ideje o stvaranju nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava, što je faktor koji dosad nije razmatran.",
publisher = "Beograd: Institut za uporedno pravo",
journal = "Strani pravni život",
title = "Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978)",
number = "1",
volume = "66",
pages = "59-74",
doi = "10 .5937/spz66-36226"
}

Glušac, L.. (2022). Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978). in Strani pravni život
Beograd: Institut za uporedno pravo., 66(1), 59-74.
https://doi.org/10 .5937/spz66-36226

Glušac L. Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978). in Strani pravni život. 2022;66(1):59-74.
doi:10 .5937/spz66-36226 .

Glušac, Luka, "Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978)" in Strani pravni život, 66, no. 1 (2022):59-74,
https://doi.org/10 .5937/spz66-36226 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2568
AB  - National human rights institutions have become a salient feature of national and global human rights architecture. Although scholars have paid much attention to their general relationship with the United Nations, it is surprising that very little has been written on how this has reflected in the Universal Periodic Review as the UN’s only peer-review human rights mechanism. This article aims to contribute to filling this gap. Firstly, the article presents original data on the frequency and regional distribution of national human rights institutions’ participation in the first two Universal Periodic Review cycles. Besides reporting, the author identifies a plethora of other entry points and offers recommendations on how national human rights institutions can maximize their impact on the Universal Periodic Review outcome. Secondly, this article explores if national human rights institutions have been the objects of Universal Periodic Review recommendations. Have the Member States advocated for the establishment and strengthening of national human rights institutions through the Universal Periodic Review or not? Have national human rights institutions been high on Member States’ (foreign) policy agendas? How have the States under Review responded to recommendations to establish national human rights institutions? The implications of these empirical questions are discussed in the context of human rights compliance and norm diffusion literature. The article argues that while having some features of ‘rights ritualism’, the insistently cooperative and
inclusive character of the Universal Periodic Review facilitates a genuine discussion of existing human rights situations. This has a real potential to lead to human rights policy changes over time through the process of acculturation, which is demonstrated with the example of national human rights institutions-related Universal Periodic Review recommendations.
PB  - Oxford University Press
T2  - Journal of Human Rights Practice
T1  - Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions
DO  - 10.1093/jhuman/huab05
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2022",
abstract = "National human rights institutions have become a salient feature of national and global human rights architecture. Although scholars have paid much attention to their general relationship with the United Nations, it is surprising that very little has been written on how this has reflected in the Universal Periodic Review as the UN’s only peer-review human rights mechanism. This article aims to contribute to filling this gap. Firstly, the article presents original data on the frequency and regional distribution of national human rights institutions’ participation in the first two Universal Periodic Review cycles. Besides reporting, the author identifies a plethora of other entry points and offers recommendations on how national human rights institutions can maximize their impact on the Universal Periodic Review outcome. Secondly, this article explores if national human rights institutions have been the objects of Universal Periodic Review recommendations. Have the Member States advocated for the establishment and strengthening of national human rights institutions through the Universal Periodic Review or not? Have national human rights institutions been high on Member States’ (foreign) policy agendas? How have the States under Review responded to recommendations to establish national human rights institutions? The implications of these empirical questions are discussed in the context of human rights compliance and norm diffusion literature. The article argues that while having some features of ‘rights ritualism’, the insistently cooperative and
inclusive character of the Universal Periodic Review facilitates a genuine discussion of existing human rights situations. This has a real potential to lead to human rights policy changes over time through the process of acculturation, which is demonstrated with the example of national human rights institutions-related Universal Periodic Review recommendations.",
publisher = "Oxford University Press",
journal = "Journal of Human Rights Practice",
title = "Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions",
doi = "10.1093/jhuman/huab05"
}

Glušac, L.. (2022). Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions. in Journal of Human Rights Practice
Oxford University Press..
https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huab05

Glušac L. Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions. in Journal of Human Rights Practice. 2022;.
doi:10.1093/jhuman/huab05 .

Glušac, Luka, "Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions" in Journal of Human Rights Practice (2022),
https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huab05 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2209
AB  - This article offers a detailed critical appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman, adopted in 2019 by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe. It praises them for being the most comprehensive set of constitutional and legal principles relating to ombudsman to date, drafted to be applicable to different legal and political systems. However, the article finds that such adaptability also resulted in some trade-offs and came at the expense of conceptual clarity of some of the principles. Despite that, the Venice Principles present a more complete document than the Paris Principles on National Human Rights Institutions, with better internal logic and consistency when it comes to ombudsman’s issues. The article concludes that ombudsman institutions fully in line with the Venice Principles would, ipso facto, reach a normative threshold for the compliance with the Paris Principles.
PB  - Oxford University Press
T2  - Human Rights Law Review
T1  - A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?
IS  - 1
VL  - 21
SP  - 22
EP  - 53
DO  - 10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2021",
abstract = "This article offers a detailed critical appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman, adopted in 2019 by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe. It praises them for being the most comprehensive set of constitutional and legal principles relating to ombudsman to date, drafted to be applicable to different legal and political systems. However, the article finds that such adaptability also resulted in some trade-offs and came at the expense of conceptual clarity of some of the principles. Despite that, the Venice Principles present a more complete document than the Paris Principles on National Human Rights Institutions, with better internal logic and consistency when it comes to ombudsman’s issues. The article concludes that ombudsman institutions fully in line with the Venice Principles would, ipso facto, reach a normative threshold for the compliance with the Paris Principles.",
publisher = "Oxford University Press",
journal = "Human Rights Law Review",
title = "A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?",
number = "1",
volume = "21",
pages = "22-53",
doi = "10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040"
}

Glušac, L.. (2021). A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?. in Human Rights Law Review
Oxford University Press., 21(1), 22-53.
https://doi.org/10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040

Glušac L. A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?. in Human Rights Law Review. 2021;21(1):22-53.
doi:10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040 .

Glušac, Luka, "A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?" in Human Rights Law Review, 21, no. 1 (2021):22-53,
https://doi.org/10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2267
AB  - U fokusu ovog rada je koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa (TRBK), kao originalnog doprinosa Buzana i Vejvera studijama bezbednosti. Uvođenje koncepta insulatora bilo je neophodno kako bi se prevazišla teškoća u određivanju granica između regiona, odnosno kompleksa, odnosno kako bi se objasnilo različito delovanje jedinica (pre svega država) u odnosu na regionalni bezbednosni kompleks kojem ne pripadaju. Cilj ovog rada je propitivanje i dalja nadgradnja koncepta insulatora u TRBK, uvođenjem razlikovanja pasivnog i aktivnog insulatora. Pasivni insulator u ovakvoj podeli predstavlja tradicionalnog, odnosno uobičajenog insulatora koji razdvaja bezbednosne dinamike okolnih kompleksa, apsorbujući njihove energije. Za razliku od njega, aktivni insulator je onaj koji više emituje energiju, koji je važan činilac u bezbednosnim dinamikama susednih kompleksa, ali ne u dovoljnoj meri da ih ujedini u jedan jedinstveni. Pored doprinosa daljem razvijanju i preciziranju pojmovno-kategorijalnog aparata TRBK, uvođenje ovakve dihotomije ima i analitičko-prediktivnu funkciju jer postojanje aktivnog inuslatora sugeriše moguću transformaciju kompleksa, odnosno ukazuje na potencijal za integraciju ili dezintegraciju određenih (pod)regiona. Koncept insulatora se u radu težišno propituje razmatranjem statusa Turske u TRBK, dok se predložena klasifikacija insulatora inicijalno testira i kroz skiciranje primene 
 na druge države koje su Buzan i Vejver klasifikovali kao insulatore.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu
T2  - Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika
T1  - Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa
DO  - 10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2021",
abstract = "U fokusu ovog rada je koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa (TRBK), kao originalnog doprinosa Buzana i Vejvera studijama bezbednosti. Uvođenje koncepta insulatora bilo je neophodno kako bi se prevazišla teškoća u određivanju granica između regiona, odnosno kompleksa, odnosno kako bi se objasnilo različito delovanje jedinica (pre svega država) u odnosu na regionalni bezbednosni kompleks kojem ne pripadaju. Cilj ovog rada je propitivanje i dalja nadgradnja koncepta insulatora u TRBK, uvođenjem razlikovanja pasivnog i aktivnog insulatora. Pasivni insulator u ovakvoj podeli predstavlja tradicionalnog, odnosno uobičajenog insulatora koji razdvaja bezbednosne dinamike okolnih kompleksa, apsorbujući njihove energije. Za razliku od njega, aktivni insulator je onaj koji više emituje energiju, koji je važan činilac u bezbednosnim dinamikama susednih kompleksa, ali ne u dovoljnoj meri da ih ujedini u jedan jedinstveni. Pored doprinosa daljem razvijanju i preciziranju pojmovno-kategorijalnog aparata TRBK, uvođenje ovakve dihotomije ima i analitičko-prediktivnu funkciju jer postojanje aktivnog inuslatora sugeriše moguću transformaciju kompleksa, odnosno ukazuje na potencijal za integraciju ili dezintegraciju određenih (pod)regiona. Koncept insulatora se u radu težišno propituje razmatranjem statusa Turske u TRBK, dok se predložena klasifikacija insulatora inicijalno testira i kroz skiciranje primene 
 na druge države koje su Buzan i Vejver klasifikovali kao insulatore.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu",
journal = "Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika",
booktitle = "Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa",
doi = "10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2"
}

Glušac, L.. (2021). Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa. in Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika
Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu..
https://doi.org/10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2

Glušac L. Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa. in Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika. 2021;.
doi:10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2 .

Glušac, Luka, "Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa" in Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika (2021),
https://doi.org/10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2 . .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Glušac, Luka
AU  - De Vrieze, Franklin
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2268
PB  - London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy
T1  - It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Glušac, Luka and De Vrieze, Franklin",
year = "2021",
publisher = "London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy",
title = "It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268"
}

Glušac, L.,& De Vrieze, F.. (2021). It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives. 
London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268

Glušac L, De Vrieze F. It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives. 2021;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268 .

Glušac, Luka, De Vrieze, Franklin, "It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives" (2021),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2021
UR  - 616.98:578.834]:321.7(497.11)
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2271
AB  - In this paper, I aim to demonstrate that the outbreak of the COVID-19 crisis has only intensified the deterioration of Serbian constitutional order and has weakened its democratic institutions. The central argument is that the state of emergency declared in mid-March 2020, as well as the other measures imposed on the citizens affecting their human rights, has been problematic from both procedural and substantial aspects. The paper discusses the consequences of those measures for the quality of democracy and the rule of law in Serbia.
PB  - Center for Risk Analysis and Crisis Management, Belgrade (CARUK)
PB  - Croatian Association for International Studies, Zagreb (HUMS)
PB  - Institute for Development and International Relations, Zagreb (IRMO)
PB  - Libertas International University, Zagreb
C3  - Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2
T1  - Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty
SP  - 150
EP  - 163
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2021",
abstract = "In this paper, I aim to demonstrate that the outbreak of the COVID-19 crisis has only intensified the deterioration of Serbian constitutional order and has weakened its democratic institutions. The central argument is that the state of emergency declared in mid-March 2020, as well as the other measures imposed on the citizens affecting their human rights, has been problematic from both procedural and substantial aspects. The paper discusses the consequences of those measures for the quality of democracy and the rule of law in Serbia.",
publisher = "Center for Risk Analysis and Crisis Management, Belgrade (CARUK), Croatian Association for International Studies, Zagreb (HUMS), Institute for Development and International Relations, Zagreb (IRMO), Libertas International University, Zagreb",
journal = "Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2",
title = "Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty",
pages = "150-163",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271"
}

Glušac, L.. (2021). Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty. in Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2
Center for Risk Analysis and Crisis Management, Belgrade (CARUK)., 150-163.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271

Glušac L. Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty. in Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2. 2021;:150-163.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271 .

Glušac, Luka, "Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty" in Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2 (2021):150-163,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2210
AB  - Despite not being a new phenomenon, nor an Islamic specificum, only recently when the West has increasingly become a potential target of returning foreign fighters from the Syrian theater has the international community reacted. The UN Security Council called on Member-States to, inter alia, immediately amend their national legislation to criminalize travelling abroad for terrorist purposes. However, as I identify in this article, contrary to majority of the Western countries, the Western Balkan countries opted to amend their legislation to criminalize travelling abroad to join conflict irrespective of its connection with terrorism, going well beyond the intended aim of the Security Council’s resolutions. I argue that this broader criminal law approach is difficult to justify from either preventive or reactive perspectives. It is, in fact, an anxious and ineffective response to foreign fighters phenomenon. It is anxious because existing data shows that countries from the region have suffered fewer extremist attacks than the West. Notwithstanding, they still decided to introduce far more aggressive legislative changes, even though it only amplified securitizing moves performed by fighters` recruiters. I further demonstrate that the implementation of this new legislation has been ineffective particularly due to: (1) the challenge of securing court-strong evidence, especially those gathered through international intelligence cooperation; (2) its application mainly as an alternative when other terrorism-related offences cannot be proved; and (3) biased law application in countries that have returning fighters from both Middle East and Ukraine.
PB  - Belgrade Centre for Security Policy
T2  - Journal of Regional Security
T1  - Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans
IS  - 1
VL  - 15
SP  - 39
EP  - 74
DO  - 10.5937/jrs15-24025
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Despite not being a new phenomenon, nor an Islamic specificum, only recently when the West has increasingly become a potential target of returning foreign fighters from the Syrian theater has the international community reacted. The UN Security Council called on Member-States to, inter alia, immediately amend their national legislation to criminalize travelling abroad for terrorist purposes. However, as I identify in this article, contrary to majority of the Western countries, the Western Balkan countries opted to amend their legislation to criminalize travelling abroad to join conflict irrespective of its connection with terrorism, going well beyond the intended aim of the Security Council’s resolutions. I argue that this broader criminal law approach is difficult to justify from either preventive or reactive perspectives. It is, in fact, an anxious and ineffective response to foreign fighters phenomenon. It is anxious because existing data shows that countries from the region have suffered fewer extremist attacks than the West. Notwithstanding, they still decided to introduce far more aggressive legislative changes, even though it only amplified securitizing moves performed by fighters` recruiters. I further demonstrate that the implementation of this new legislation has been ineffective particularly due to: (1) the challenge of securing court-strong evidence, especially those gathered through international intelligence cooperation; (2) its application mainly as an alternative when other terrorism-related offences cannot be proved; and (3) biased law application in countries that have returning fighters from both Middle East and Ukraine.",
publisher = "Belgrade Centre for Security Policy",
journal = "Journal of Regional Security",
title = "Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans",
number = "1",
volume = "15",
pages = "39-74",
doi = "10.5937/jrs15-24025"
}

Glušac, L.. (2020). Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans. in Journal of Regional Security
Belgrade Centre for Security Policy., 15(1), 39-74.
https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs15-24025

Glušac L. Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans. in Journal of Regional Security. 2020;15(1):39-74.
doi:10.5937/jrs15-24025 .

Glušac, Luka, "Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans" in Journal of Regional Security, 15, no. 1 (2020):39-74,
https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs15-24025 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2020
UR  - 321.01:342.7
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2211
AB  - Dok je delovanje ombudsmana u novim i konsolidovanim demokratijama podrobno obrađeno u literaturi, njegova uloga i dometi u tranzicionim državama ostali su u značajnoj meri neosvetljeni. Ovim radom želi se doprineti postojećoj literaturi i boljem razumevanju akterstva ombudsmana u tim društvima. Uporedno posmatrano, ombudsmani su tokom poslednjih tridesetak godina u velikom broju država inaugurisani u organe ustavnog ranga. Konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana donela je robusniju pravnu garanciju opstanka institucije, čime joj je dat normativni preduslov da deluje kao važan institucionalni garant vladavine prava. Na osnovu uporednih iskustava – od Latinske Amerike, preko Evrope, do jugoistočne Azije – u radu se pokazuje kako se institucija ombudsmana razvijala u državama krhke demokratske konstitucije. U radu se zaključuje da se konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana pokazala kao uspešna brana njegovom gašenju, ali ne i gušenju, jer su izvršna i zakonodavna vlast iznalazili različite načine da otežaju rad ove nezavisne institucije.
PB  - Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka
C3  - Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji
T1  - Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Dok je delovanje ombudsmana u novim i konsolidovanim demokratijama podrobno obrađeno u literaturi, njegova uloga i dometi u tranzicionim državama ostali su u značajnoj meri neosvetljeni. Ovim radom želi se doprineti postojećoj literaturi i boljem razumevanju akterstva ombudsmana u tim društvima. Uporedno posmatrano, ombudsmani su tokom poslednjih tridesetak godina u velikom broju država inaugurisani u organe ustavnog ranga. Konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana donela je robusniju pravnu garanciju opstanka institucije, čime joj je dat normativni preduslov da deluje kao važan institucionalni garant vladavine prava. Na osnovu uporednih iskustava – od Latinske Amerike, preko Evrope, do jugoistočne Azije – u radu se pokazuje kako se institucija ombudsmana razvijala u državama krhke demokratske konstitucije. U radu se zaključuje da se konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana pokazala kao uspešna brana njegovom gašenju, ali ne i gušenju, jer su izvršna i zakonodavna vlast iznalazili različite načine da otežaju rad ove nezavisne institucije.",
publisher = "Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije, Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji",
title = "Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211"
}

Glušac, L.. (2020). Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama. in Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji
Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211

Glušac L. Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama. in Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211 .

Glušac, Luka, "Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama" in Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211 .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Glušac, Luka
AU  - De Vrieze, Franklin
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2269
PB  - London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy
T1  - Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Glušac, Luka and De Vrieze, Franklin",
year = "2020",
publisher = "London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy",
title = "Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269"
}

Glušac, L.,& De Vrieze, F.. (2020). Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies. 
London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269

Glušac L, De Vrieze F. Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269 .

Glušac, Luka, De Vrieze, Franklin, "Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies" (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269 .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2270
PB  - German Marshall Fund of the United States
T1  - Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2020",
publisher = "German Marshall Fund of the United States",
title = "Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270"
}

Glušac, L.. (2020). Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe. 
German Marshall Fund of the United States..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270

Glušac L. Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270 .

Glušac, Luka, "Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe" (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270 .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Glušac, Luka
AU  - De Vrieze, Franklin
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2279
PB  - Westminster Foundation for Democracy
T1  - Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Glušac, Luka and De Vrieze, Franklin",
year = "2020",
publisher = "Westminster Foundation for Democracy",
title = "Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279"
}

Glušac, L.,& De Vrieze, F.. (2020). Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia. 
Westminster Foundation for Democracy..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279

Glušac L, De Vrieze F. Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279 .

Glušac, Luka, De Vrieze, Franklin, "Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia" (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2213
AB  - Iako su nezavisna kontrolna i regulatorna tela deo pravno-političkog sistema Republike Srbije već niz godina, njihova priroda, funkcije i glavne odlike izazivaju česte nedoumice kako u opštoj, tako i stručnoj javnosti. Ključni atributi koji se odnose na ovu vrstu tela, poput nezavisnosti, samostalnosti, kontrole i regulacije, neretko se nekritički koriste, a njima se etiketiraju i tela koja pomenuta svojstva nemaju. U ovom radu se analizom domaćih pozitivnih propisa pokazuje da zakonodavac na nekonzistentan, a nekad i kontradiktoran, način uređuje nezavisnost kontrolnih i regulatornih tela. Istovremeno se demonstrira da nejasna nomenklatura državnih institucija dodatno otežava smeštanje regulatornih tela u pravni sistem, prevashodno zbog korišćenja termina „agencija“ za tela sasvim različite pravne prirode. Cilj ovog rada je da doprinese definisanju i razjašnjenju međusobnog odnosa pojmova nezavisnost i samostalnost, kao i pojašnjenju sličnosti i razlika između kontrolnih i regulatornih tela.
PB  - Pravni fakultet u Nišu
T2  - Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu
T1  - Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela
VL  - 87
SP  - 197
EP  - 216
DO  - 10.5937/zrpfn0-24691
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Iako su nezavisna kontrolna i regulatorna tela deo pravno-političkog sistema Republike Srbije već niz godina, njihova priroda, funkcije i glavne odlike izazivaju česte nedoumice kako u opštoj, tako i stručnoj javnosti. Ključni atributi koji se odnose na ovu vrstu tela, poput nezavisnosti, samostalnosti, kontrole i regulacije, neretko se nekritički koriste, a njima se etiketiraju i tela koja pomenuta svojstva nemaju. U ovom radu se analizom domaćih pozitivnih propisa pokazuje da zakonodavac na nekonzistentan, a nekad i kontradiktoran, način uređuje nezavisnost kontrolnih i regulatornih tela. Istovremeno se demonstrira da nejasna nomenklatura državnih institucija dodatno otežava smeštanje regulatornih tela u pravni sistem, prevashodno zbog korišćenja termina „agencija“ za tela sasvim različite pravne prirode. Cilj ovog rada je da doprinese definisanju i razjašnjenju međusobnog odnosa pojmova nezavisnost i samostalnost, kao i pojašnjenju sličnosti i razlika između kontrolnih i regulatornih tela.",
publisher = "Pravni fakultet u Nišu",
journal = "Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu",
title = "Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela",
volume = "87",
pages = "197-216",
doi = "10.5937/zrpfn0-24691"
}

Glušac, L.. (2020). Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela. in Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu
Pravni fakultet u Nišu., 87, 197-216.
https://doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-24691

Glušac L. Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela. in Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu. 2020;87:197-216.
doi:10.5937/zrpfn0-24691 .

Glušac, Luka, "Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela" in Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu, 87 (2020):197-216,
https://doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-24691 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Glušac, Luka
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2212
AB  - Istraživanja su već pokazala da je ravnoteža između tri grane vlasti u Srbiji de facto narušena usled centralizacije moći u rukama izvršne vlasti, uz sve ćešće zloupotebe procedura i opstrukcije rada parlamenta i drugih institucija koje nadziru odnosno kontrolišu rad izvršne vlasti. Dugogodišnji izostanak ozbiljne parlamentarne kontrole izvršne vlasti, nerazvijena i nedelotvorna saradnja Narodne skupštine sa telima koja bira i koja su mu za svoj rad odgovorna, izostanak parlamentarne debate i suštinske rasprave u plenumu, kao i neodgovornost narodnih poslanika, doprineli su sistemskom urušavanju položaja parlamenta u Srbiji. Stoga parlament sve češće stiče epitet marginalizovane „glasačke mašine“ koji potvrđuje odluke Vlade. Ovim radom težimo da pokažemo da je centralizacija moći izvršne vlasti u Srbiji otišla dalje od de facto „prevlasti“ nad parlamentom, već i da ima najdirektniji uticaj na urušavanje celokupnog sistema podele vlasti kroz normativno i faktičko onemogućavanje nezavisnog delovanja sudske vlasti i kontrolnih tela, ali i obesmišljavanja učešća civilnog društva u kreiranju javnih politika. Drugim rečima, ovim radom želimo da demonstriramo kontinuiranu intenciju izvršne vlasti da daljom centralizacijom moći i neutralisanjem svih institucija koje njen rad kontrolišu odnosno nadziru, svoj primat ojača i ustoliči.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa
T1  - Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji
SP  - 80
EP  - 102
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Glušac, Luka and Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Istraživanja su već pokazala da je ravnoteža između tri grane vlasti u Srbiji de facto narušena usled centralizacije moći u rukama izvršne vlasti, uz sve ćešće zloupotebe procedura i opstrukcije rada parlamenta i drugih institucija koje nadziru odnosno kontrolišu rad izvršne vlasti. Dugogodišnji izostanak ozbiljne parlamentarne kontrole izvršne vlasti, nerazvijena i nedelotvorna saradnja Narodne skupštine sa telima koja bira i koja su mu za svoj rad odgovorna, izostanak parlamentarne debate i suštinske rasprave u plenumu, kao i neodgovornost narodnih poslanika, doprineli su sistemskom urušavanju položaja parlamenta u Srbiji. Stoga parlament sve češće stiče epitet marginalizovane „glasačke mašine“ koji potvrđuje odluke Vlade. Ovim radom težimo da pokažemo da je centralizacija moći izvršne vlasti u Srbiji otišla dalje od de facto „prevlasti“ nad parlamentom, već i da ima najdirektniji uticaj na urušavanje celokupnog sistema podele vlasti kroz normativno i faktičko onemogućavanje nezavisnog delovanja sudske vlasti i kontrolnih tela, ali i obesmišljavanja učešća civilnog društva u kreiranju javnih politika. Drugim rečima, ovim radom želimo da demonstriramo kontinuiranu intenciju izvršne vlasti da daljom centralizacijom moći i neutralisanjem svih institucija koje njen rad kontrolišu odnosno nadziru, svoj primat ojača i ustoliči.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa",
booktitle = "Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji",
pages = "80-102",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212"
}

Glušac, L.,& Tepavac, T.. (2019). Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji. in Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 80-102.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212

Glušac L, Tepavac T. Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji. in Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa. 2019;:80-102.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212 .

Glušac, Luka, Tepavac, Tara, "Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji" in Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa (2019):80-102,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2047
AB  - In this article, I examine the relationship between engagement and political institutions by using the example of the creation and development of the ombudsman institution. The article starts with the short introduction to key theoretical views about institutions, political institutions and institutionalization. Then, I concentrate on how political institutions change, i.e. whether they can be changed through social engagement and whether and when we can actually say that they are originally created by an engagement. By using the case of ombudsman, I explore if political institutions can engage themselves and under what conditions, that is, whether are institutions characterized by in-built permanent reflexivity possible.
AB  - U ovom radu se na primeru nastanka i razvoja institucije ombudsmana propituje veza izme-đu angažmana i političkih institucija. Tekst započinjem kratkim osvrtom na glavna teorijska viđenja institucija, političkih institucija i institucionalizacije. Potom se koncentrišem na to kako se političke institucije menjaju, da bi fokus potom bio usmeren na to da li se one mogu menjati društvenim angažmanom, te da li se i kada može smatrati da političke institucije na-staju angažmanom. S tim u vezi, korišćenjem primera ombudsmana proveravam da li i pod kojim uslovima političke institucije i same mogu biti angažovane, odnosno da li su moguće institucije kojima je svojstvena kontinuirana refleksivnost spram sopstvenih normi delanja.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society
T1  - Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman
T1  - Angažman i političke institucije: slučaj ombudsmana
IS  - 4
VL  - 30
SP  - 493
EP  - 508
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2019",
abstract = "In this article, I examine the relationship between engagement and political institutions by using the example of the creation and development of the ombudsman institution. The article starts with the short introduction to key theoretical views about institutions, political institutions and institutionalization. Then, I concentrate on how political institutions change, i.e. whether they can be changed through social engagement and whether and when we can actually say that they are originally created by an engagement. By using the case of ombudsman, I explore if political institutions can engage themselves and under what conditions, that is, whether are institutions characterized by in-built permanent reflexivity possible., U ovom radu se na primeru nastanka i razvoja institucije ombudsmana propituje veza izme-đu angažmana i političkih institucija. Tekst započinjem kratkim osvrtom na glavna teorijska viđenja institucija, političkih institucija i institucionalizacije. Potom se koncentrišem na to kako se političke institucije menjaju, da bi fokus potom bio usmeren na to da li se one mogu menjati društvenim angažmanom, te da li se i kada može smatrati da političke institucije na-staju angažmanom. S tim u vezi, korišćenjem primera ombudsmana proveravam da li i pod kojim uslovima političke institucije i same mogu biti angažovane, odnosno da li su moguće institucije kojima je svojstvena kontinuirana refleksivnost spram sopstvenih normi delanja.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society",
title = "Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman, Angažman i političke institucije: slučaj ombudsmana",
number = "4",
volume = "30",
pages = "493-508",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047"
}

Glušac, L.. (2019). Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman. in Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 30(4), 493-508.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047

Glušac L. Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman. in Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society. 2019;30(4):493-508.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047 .

Glušac, Luka, "Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman" in Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society, 30, no. 4 (2019):493-508,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2217
AB  - The work of parliament and ombudsman is of critical importance for democracy and the rule of law. Still, the relationship between these two institutions is considerably under-researched. This paper aims to contribute to filling this research gap by presenting a set of key criteria for the assessment of their relationship. These are applied in the analysis of the Serbian Parliament’s actions towards the
Ombudsman in the first ten years of operations of this new institution in the Serbian legal and political system on the national level (2007–2016). Results show that the Parliament did not build consistent, predictable and efficient relations with the Ombudsman yet. Instead of being a supreme protector of
the Ombudsman’s independence and its strongest ally in the protection and promotion of human rights, Parliament developed a practice of hampering the Ombudsman’s work. The results may serve as an indicator of the state of democratisation of Serbia, as well as for assessing the level of the Parliament’s institutional maturity. Outside the Serbian context, this study can be a useful source for comparative purposes, given the importance of this issue for all parliamentary ombudsmen, particularly those that are
also national human rights institutions (NHRIs).
PB  - Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group
T2  - International Journal of Human Rights
T1  - Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016)
IS  - 4
VL  - 23
SP  - 531
EP  - 554
DO  - 10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The work of parliament and ombudsman is of critical importance for democracy and the rule of law. Still, the relationship between these two institutions is considerably under-researched. This paper aims to contribute to filling this research gap by presenting a set of key criteria for the assessment of their relationship. These are applied in the analysis of the Serbian Parliament’s actions towards the
Ombudsman in the first ten years of operations of this new institution in the Serbian legal and political system on the national level (2007–2016). Results show that the Parliament did not build consistent, predictable and efficient relations with the Ombudsman yet. Instead of being a supreme protector of
the Ombudsman’s independence and its strongest ally in the protection and promotion of human rights, Parliament developed a practice of hampering the Ombudsman’s work. The results may serve as an indicator of the state of democratisation of Serbia, as well as for assessing the level of the Parliament’s institutional maturity. Outside the Serbian context, this study can be a useful source for comparative purposes, given the importance of this issue for all parliamentary ombudsmen, particularly those that are
also national human rights institutions (NHRIs).",
publisher = "Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group",
journal = "International Journal of Human Rights",
title = "Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016)",
number = "4",
volume = "23",
pages = "531-554",
doi = "10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400"
}

Glušac, L.. (2019). Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016). in International Journal of Human Rights
Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group., 23(4), 531-554.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400

Glušac L. Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016). in International Journal of Human Rights. 2019;23(4):531-554.
doi:10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400 .

Glušac, Luka, "Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016)" in International Journal of Human Rights, 23, no. 4 (2019):531-554,
https://doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2214
AB  - This paper explores the role of national human rights institutions (NHRIs) in Post-Legislative Scrutiny (PLS), a topic which has been notably neglected in existing literature. The present research demonstrates that (1) legislative review is actually part of NHRIs’ mandate, and (2) the applicable international standards (e.g. Belgrade and Paris Principles) provide for their actorness in all stages of legislative process. Main hypothesis is that NHRIs have already been conducting activities most relevant for PLS, even though they have not often been labelled as such by parliaments or scholars. In other words, we argue that their de facto role in PLS has already been well established through their practice, despite the lack of de jure recognition by parliamentary procedures. We support this thesis by providing empirical evidence from national practices to show NHRIs’ relevance for PLS of both primary and secondary legislation. The central part of this paper concentrates on the potential of NHRIs to act as (1) triggers for PLS, and (2) stakeholders in PLS that has already been initiated. The paper concludes with a summary of the results, lessons learned, their theoretical and practical implications and the avenues for further research.
PB  - Eleven Publishing
T2  - European Journal of Law Reform
T1  - The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny
IS  - 2
VL  - 21
SP  - 154
EP  - 168
DO  - 10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This paper explores the role of national human rights institutions (NHRIs) in Post-Legislative Scrutiny (PLS), a topic which has been notably neglected in existing literature. The present research demonstrates that (1) legislative review is actually part of NHRIs’ mandate, and (2) the applicable international standards (e.g. Belgrade and Paris Principles) provide for their actorness in all stages of legislative process. Main hypothesis is that NHRIs have already been conducting activities most relevant for PLS, even though they have not often been labelled as such by parliaments or scholars. In other words, we argue that their de facto role in PLS has already been well established through their practice, despite the lack of de jure recognition by parliamentary procedures. We support this thesis by providing empirical evidence from national practices to show NHRIs’ relevance for PLS of both primary and secondary legislation. The central part of this paper concentrates on the potential of NHRIs to act as (1) triggers for PLS, and (2) stakeholders in PLS that has already been initiated. The paper concludes with a summary of the results, lessons learned, their theoretical and practical implications and the avenues for further research.",
publisher = "Eleven Publishing",
journal = "European Journal of Law Reform",
title = "The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny",
number = "2",
volume = "21",
pages = "154-168",
doi = "10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006"
}

Glušac, L.. (2019). The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny. in European Journal of Law Reform
Eleven Publishing., 21(2), 154-168.
https://doi.org/10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006

Glušac L. The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny. in European Journal of Law Reform. 2019;21(2):154-168.
doi:10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006 .

Glušac, Luka, "The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny" in European Journal of Law Reform, 21, no. 2 (2019):154-168,
https://doi.org/10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2220
AB  - International intelligence sharing has boosted in the last twenty years or so, particularly after terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Already established intelligence cooperation agreements, bilateral and multilateral, have entered into a new phase, resulting in a vast amount of intelligence shared, including the information on their own citizens communicated by national agencies both among themselves, and with their foreign counterparts. Some of those intelligence cooperation agreements are formal, constituting legal instruments, but an important number of them has actually been informal, based upon the common understanding between heads of the national intelligence services or other state officials. When intelligence exchange is based on informal international cooperation, rooted only in a scarce and usually outdated national legislation, then there are no legal safeguards for the citizens, who are essentially the targets of such exchange. In other words, these practices have had many human rights implications. While there is a considerable body of literature on intelligence sharing per se, its human rights aspects remain largely neglected. Hence, our aim is to map the preconditions for an effective oversight of international intelligence sharing, concentrating on the external oversight that should be designed to guarantee a legally sound exchange of intelligence with foreign partners.
PB  - University of Belgrade - Faculty of Security Studies
C3  - The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security
T1  - International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight
SP  - 83
EP  - 88
DO  - 10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2018",
abstract = "International intelligence sharing has boosted in the last twenty years or so, particularly after terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Already established intelligence cooperation agreements, bilateral and multilateral, have entered into a new phase, resulting in a vast amount of intelligence shared, including the information on their own citizens communicated by national agencies both among themselves, and with their foreign counterparts. Some of those intelligence cooperation agreements are formal, constituting legal instruments, but an important number of them has actually been informal, based upon the common understanding between heads of the national intelligence services or other state officials. When intelligence exchange is based on informal international cooperation, rooted only in a scarce and usually outdated national legislation, then there are no legal safeguards for the citizens, who are essentially the targets of such exchange. In other words, these practices have had many human rights implications. While there is a considerable body of literature on intelligence sharing per se, its human rights aspects remain largely neglected. Hence, our aim is to map the preconditions for an effective oversight of international intelligence sharing, concentrating on the external oversight that should be designed to guarantee a legally sound exchange of intelligence with foreign partners.",
publisher = "University of Belgrade - Faculty of Security Studies",
journal = "The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security",
title = "International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight",
pages = "83-88",
doi = "10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9"
}

Glušac, L.. (2018). International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight. in The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security
University of Belgrade - Faculty of Security Studies., 83-88.
https://doi.org/10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9

Glušac L. International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight. in The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security. 2018;:83-88.
doi:10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9 .

Glušac, Luka, "International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight" in The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security (2018):83-88,
https://doi.org/10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2216
AB  - In the last twenty years, independent national institutions mandated to protect and promote human rights (NHRIs) have changed the global human rights architecture, positioning themselves as indispensable interlocutors when discussing states’ human rights records. Nevertheless, despite having a broad mandate, comparative experiences have shown that NHRIs rarely exploit the possibility to oversee the security sector. Academic literature on NHRIs also provides little information on their role in oversight of the security sector in general, let alone the security services. That is surprising, considering that actions of the security services may interfere with human rights in unparalleled way, as they are authorized to use special measures to penetrate deep into the private lives of citizens. This article seeks to contribute to the mainstreaming of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight by further exploring their unique mandate, added value and comparative advantages. It shows that the specific nature of the NHRI makes this institution well placed to make a substantial contribution to effective protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens affected by activities of the security services. We start with positioning NHRIs in the security sector and defining their general role in it. We then offer a comparative overview of powers and practices of NHRIs and lay down preconditions for NHRIs’ effective actorness in security sector oversight. We then move to a case study of the Serbian 
 Ombudsman, as a practical exemplar of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight. We conclude with an overview of the results, their practical implications and the avenues for further research.
PB  - Oxford University Press
T2  - Journal of Human Rights Practice
T1  - National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services
IS  - 1
VL  - 10
SP  - 58
EP  - 82
DO  - 10.1093/jhuman/huy002
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2018",
abstract = "In the last twenty years, independent national institutions mandated to protect and promote human rights (NHRIs) have changed the global human rights architecture, positioning themselves as indispensable interlocutors when discussing states’ human rights records. Nevertheless, despite having a broad mandate, comparative experiences have shown that NHRIs rarely exploit the possibility to oversee the security sector. Academic literature on NHRIs also provides little information on their role in oversight of the security sector in general, let alone the security services. That is surprising, considering that actions of the security services may interfere with human rights in unparalleled way, as they are authorized to use special measures to penetrate deep into the private lives of citizens. This article seeks to contribute to the mainstreaming of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight by further exploring their unique mandate, added value and comparative advantages. It shows that the specific nature of the NHRI makes this institution well placed to make a substantial contribution to effective protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens affected by activities of the security services. We start with positioning NHRIs in the security sector and defining their general role in it. We then offer a comparative overview of powers and practices of NHRIs and lay down preconditions for NHRIs’ effective actorness in security sector oversight. We then move to a case study of the Serbian 
 Ombudsman, as a practical exemplar of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight. We conclude with an overview of the results, their practical implications and the avenues for further research.",
publisher = "Oxford University Press",
journal = "Journal of Human Rights Practice",
title = "National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services",
number = "1",
volume = "10",
pages = "58-82",
doi = "10.1093/jhuman/huy002"
}

Glušac, L.. (2018). National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services. in Journal of Human Rights Practice
Oxford University Press., 10(1), 58-82.
https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huy002

Glušac L. National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services. in Journal of Human Rights Practice. 2018;10(1):58-82.
doi:10.1093/jhuman/huy002 .

Glušac, Luka, "National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services" in Journal of Human Rights Practice, 10, no. 1 (2018):58-82,
https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huy002 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2215
AB  - Traditionally, the literature has recognised the role of public libraries in the promotion of human rights, through their efforts in making information accessible to anyone, irrespective of their personal circumstances. At the same time, scholars have largely overlooked their potential in the protection of human rights. This article shows that libraries can make an important contribution to the protection function, by using the example of cooperation between the National Ombudsman of Serbia and 15 local public libraries in smaller municipalities. The research is framed within the Orchestration theory, recently developed by Abbott and others. We demonstrate that the relationship between the Ombudsman and local libraries can successfully be analysed with O-I-T framework, where the Ombudsman (Orchestrator) enlists local libraries (Intermediary) to become more accessible to citizens (Target), providing them with an easier way to communicate their human rights concerns and lodge a complaint with this key human rights remedy mechanism, by using the video communication software installed in local libraries. The results of this research could serve to inspire similar studies exploring the application of the Orchestration theory on the complex multi-actor human rights dynamics from a global perspective to national and local environments. While this research was inspired by the Serbian experience, its key policy implication is that innovative cooperation between a national human rights institution (NHRI) and local libraries is perfectly applicable to other states as well. The design of the project implemented in Serbia can be copied successfully worldwide, as it is not based on complicated infrastructural or institutional changes, but on creative and cost-effective idea.
PB  - SAGE
T2  - Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights
T1  - Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries
IS  - 2
VL  - 36
SP  - 133
EP  - 151
DO  - 10.1177/0924051918772968
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Traditionally, the literature has recognised the role of public libraries in the promotion of human rights, through their efforts in making information accessible to anyone, irrespective of their personal circumstances. At the same time, scholars have largely overlooked their potential in the protection of human rights. This article shows that libraries can make an important contribution to the protection function, by using the example of cooperation between the National Ombudsman of Serbia and 15 local public libraries in smaller municipalities. The research is framed within the Orchestration theory, recently developed by Abbott and others. We demonstrate that the relationship between the Ombudsman and local libraries can successfully be analysed with O-I-T framework, where the Ombudsman (Orchestrator) enlists local libraries (Intermediary) to become more accessible to citizens (Target), providing them with an easier way to communicate their human rights concerns and lodge a complaint with this key human rights remedy mechanism, by using the video communication software installed in local libraries. The results of this research could serve to inspire similar studies exploring the application of the Orchestration theory on the complex multi-actor human rights dynamics from a global perspective to national and local environments. While this research was inspired by the Serbian experience, its key policy implication is that innovative cooperation between a national human rights institution (NHRI) and local libraries is perfectly applicable to other states as well. The design of the project implemented in Serbia can be copied successfully worldwide, as it is not based on complicated infrastructural or institutional changes, but on creative and cost-effective idea.",
publisher = "SAGE",
journal = "Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights",
title = "Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries",
number = "2",
volume = "36",
pages = "133-151",
doi = "10.1177/0924051918772968"
}

Glušac, L.. (2018). Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries. in Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights
SAGE., 36(2), 133-151.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0924051918772968

Glušac L. Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries. in Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights. 2018;36(2):133-151.
doi:10.1177/0924051918772968 .

Glušac, Luka, "Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries" in Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights, 36, no. 2 (2018):133-151,
https://doi.org/10.1177/0924051918772968 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2016
UR  - 341.232-054.73
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2222
AB  - This paper explores the role of national human rights institutions (NHRIs) in protecting the rights of refugees in transit countries, with a special focus on the ongoing refugee crisis. Author argues that the executive branch bears the primary obligation to ensure the respect of human rights on national level. Therefore, it has to have a leading role in providing for refugees, as well. NHRIs, as oversight authorities, should serve as its obvious partner. The author maps number of possible NHRIs activities in relation to the refugee crisis, with the emphasis on complaint handling and ex officio investigations; legislative initiatives; prevention of torture and ill-treatment; ensuring full access to the asylum procedure; and cross border cooperation. Besides relevant academic literature on NHRIs and refugees, author builds on the results of international and regional conferences organized to explore these issues, as well as on the work of the Serbian Protector of Citizens (Ombudsman) and other NHRIs from the Balkans, in order to portray the experiences of transit countries.
PB  - University of Belgrade - Faculty of Security Studies
C3  - The 3rd International Academic Conference on Human Security
T1  - Protecting the Rights of Refugees in Transit Countries: What Role for National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs)
SP  - 65
EP  - 72
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2222
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2016",
abstract = "This paper explores the role of national human rights institutions (NHRIs) in protecting the rights of refugees in transit countries, with a special focus on the ongoing refugee crisis. Author argues that the executive branch bears the primary obligation to ensure the respect of human rights on national level. Therefore, it has to have a leading role in providing for refugees, as well. NHRIs, as oversight authorities, should serve as its obvious partner. The author maps number of possible NHRIs activities in relation to the refugee crisis, with the emphasis on complaint handling and ex officio investigations; legislative initiatives; prevention of torture and ill-treatment; ensuring full access to the asylum procedure; and cross border cooperation. Besides relevant academic literature on NHRIs and refugees, author builds on the results of international and regional conferences organized to explore these issues, as well as on the work of the Serbian Protector of Citizens (Ombudsman) and other NHRIs from the Balkans, in order to portray the experiences of transit countries.",
publisher = "University of Belgrade - Faculty of Security Studies",
journal = "The 3rd International Academic Conference on Human Security",
title = "Protecting the Rights of Refugees in Transit Countries: What Role for National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs)",
pages = "65-72",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2222"
}

Glušac, L.. (2016). Protecting the Rights of Refugees in Transit Countries: What Role for National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs). in The 3rd International Academic Conference on Human Security
University of Belgrade - Faculty of Security Studies., 65-72.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2222

Glušac L. Protecting the Rights of Refugees in Transit Countries: What Role for National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs). in The 3rd International Academic Conference on Human Security. 2016;:65-72.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2222 .

Glušac, Luka, "Protecting the Rights of Refugees in Transit Countries: What Role for National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs)" in The 3rd International Academic Conference on Human Security (2016):65-72,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2222 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2016
UR  - 316.734:784.011.26(73)]:28
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2218
AB  - Among its other manifestations, the globalization has brought unparalleled development of the music platforms, logistically supported by the widespreadness of Internet. Th is article elaborates on the specific type of music-based diplomacy: hip hop diplomacy. After placing in the theoretical
and practical context, the author analyzes the usage of hip hop diplomacy by the United States, particularly, in the Muslim world. I argue that while hip hop diplomacy seems to be a smart ‘new edition’ to the US cultural diplomacy portfolio, it suffers from the same systemic paradox
as its Cold War’s predecessor - jazz diplomacy.
PB  - Institut za političke studije
T2  - Serbian Political Thought
T1  - Cultural Diplomacy in Action: The United States’ Export of Hip Hop to the Muslim World
IS  - 1
VL  - 13
SP  - 75
EP  - 92
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2218
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2016",
abstract = "Among its other manifestations, the globalization has brought unparalleled development of the music platforms, logistically supported by the widespreadness of Internet. Th is article elaborates on the specific type of music-based diplomacy: hip hop diplomacy. After placing in the theoretical
and practical context, the author analyzes the usage of hip hop diplomacy by the United States, particularly, in the Muslim world. I argue that while hip hop diplomacy seems to be a smart ‘new edition’ to the US cultural diplomacy portfolio, it suffers from the same systemic paradox
as its Cold War’s predecessor - jazz diplomacy.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije",
journal = "Serbian Political Thought",
title = "Cultural Diplomacy in Action: The United States’ Export of Hip Hop to the Muslim World",
number = "1",
volume = "13",
pages = "75-92",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2218"
}

Glušac, L.. (2016). Cultural Diplomacy in Action: The United States’ Export of Hip Hop to the Muslim World. in Serbian Political Thought
Institut za političke studije., 13(1), 75-92.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2218

Glušac L. Cultural Diplomacy in Action: The United States’ Export of Hip Hop to the Muslim World. in Serbian Political Thought. 2016;13(1):75-92.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2218 .

Glušac, Luka, "Cultural Diplomacy in Action: The United States’ Export of Hip Hop to the Muslim World" in Serbian Political Thought, 13, no. 1 (2016):75-92,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2218 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2223
AB  - Arapsko proleće dovelo je aktuelizovanja problema državljana evropskih država koji se bore na frontovima širom Bliskog Istoka. Države percipiraju kao pretnju svoje državljane koji se vođeni prevashodno religioznim razlozima pridružuju borbi u inostranstvu, po pravilu na strani nedržavnih aktera u oružanim sukobima, sledeći poziv u džihad. Strani (teroristički) borci odlaze u inostranstvo jer doživljavaju neki udaljeni sukob kao pretnju zajedničkoj transnacionalnoj identitetskoj grupi. U radu se prvo predstavlja fenomen stranih boraca, kroz njegovo određenje, kratki istorijat i osnovna obeležja, potom se ukazuje na njegov značaj za međunarodnu zajednicu, da bi se onda skicirala
uloga i komparativne prednosti Organizacije za evropsku saradnju i bezbednost (OEBS) za suprotstavljanje ovom bezbednosnom problemu.
PB  - Misija OEBS u Srbiji
T2  - OEBS i savremeni bezbednosni izazovi
T1  - Strani (teroristički) borci
SP  - 33
EP  - 48
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2223
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Arapsko proleće dovelo je aktuelizovanja problema državljana evropskih država koji se bore na frontovima širom Bliskog Istoka. Države percipiraju kao pretnju svoje državljane koji se vođeni prevashodno religioznim razlozima pridružuju borbi u inostranstvu, po pravilu na strani nedržavnih aktera u oružanim sukobima, sledeći poziv u džihad. Strani (teroristički) borci odlaze u inostranstvo jer doživljavaju neki udaljeni sukob kao pretnju zajedničkoj transnacionalnoj identitetskoj grupi. U radu se prvo predstavlja fenomen stranih boraca, kroz njegovo određenje, kratki istorijat i osnovna obeležja, potom se ukazuje na njegov značaj za međunarodnu zajednicu, da bi se onda skicirala
uloga i komparativne prednosti Organizacije za evropsku saradnju i bezbednost (OEBS) za suprotstavljanje ovom bezbednosnom problemu.",
publisher = "Misija OEBS u Srbiji",
journal = "OEBS i savremeni bezbednosni izazovi",
booktitle = "Strani (teroristički) borci",
pages = "33-48",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2223"
}

Glušac, L.. (2015). Strani (teroristički) borci. in OEBS i savremeni bezbednosni izazovi
Misija OEBS u Srbiji., 33-48.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2223

Glušac L. Strani (teroristički) borci. in OEBS i savremeni bezbednosni izazovi. 2015;:33-48.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2223 .

Glušac, Luka, "Strani (teroristički) borci" in OEBS i savremeni bezbednosni izazovi (2015):33-48,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2223 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2014
UR  - 314.74+341.43(4-672EU)
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2219
AB  - This paper offers a view on why and how migrations have been perceived as a security threat in the European Union. The underlining question posed is how the ambition of EU nation-states to control the entry and movement of people can be reconciled with liberal standards promoting human rights, open borders and humanitarian values. The author uses the theory of securitization, Didier Bigo’s concept of Ban-opticon and human security concept as theoretical grounds, while the normative and political discourse analyses are utilized to show the EU practice. The intention is to show that while the number of migrants has not been significantly change in the last years, the public perception is different, especially due to the Arab Spring. The EU, which integration and long-time economic success would not be possible without constant influx of the immigrants, in the recent years developed people unfriendly migration control system. I argue that such system came as a result of several factors, most notably societal securitization. As the Arab turmoil coincides with the post 9/11 changes in security policies, economic crisis and the rise of far right parties in several EU Member States, the migration issue has been increasingly securitized. EU’s legal norms and methods follow such societal securitization. Tight border control (including increased surveillance), usage of buffer zones and externalization of border control are crucial EU methods of dealing with migration. The author concludes that while migrations have a clear security dimension, they are best addressed through rights-based policies.
PB  - Institut za političke studije
T2  - Serbian Political Thought
T1  - Securitizing Migration in the European Union: from Openness to Ban-Opticon
IS  - 2
VL  - 10
SP  - 159
EP  - 177
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2219
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2014",
abstract = "This paper offers a view on why and how migrations have been perceived as a security threat in the European Union. The underlining question posed is how the ambition of EU nation-states to control the entry and movement of people can be reconciled with liberal standards promoting human rights, open borders and humanitarian values. The author uses the theory of securitization, Didier Bigo’s concept of Ban-opticon and human security concept as theoretical grounds, while the normative and political discourse analyses are utilized to show the EU practice. The intention is to show that while the number of migrants has not been significantly change in the last years, the public perception is different, especially due to the Arab Spring. The EU, which integration and long-time economic success would not be possible without constant influx of the immigrants, in the recent years developed people unfriendly migration control system. I argue that such system came as a result of several factors, most notably societal securitization. As the Arab turmoil coincides with the post 9/11 changes in security policies, economic crisis and the rise of far right parties in several EU Member States, the migration issue has been increasingly securitized. EU’s legal norms and methods follow such societal securitization. Tight border control (including increased surveillance), usage of buffer zones and externalization of border control are crucial EU methods of dealing with migration. The author concludes that while migrations have a clear security dimension, they are best addressed through rights-based policies.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije",
journal = "Serbian Political Thought",
title = "Securitizing Migration in the European Union: from Openness to Ban-Opticon",
number = "2",
volume = "10",
pages = "159-177",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2219"
}

Glušac, L.. (2014). Securitizing Migration in the European Union: from Openness to Ban-Opticon. in Serbian Political Thought
Institut za političke studije., 10(2), 159-177.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2219

Glušac L. Securitizing Migration in the European Union: from Openness to Ban-Opticon. in Serbian Political Thought. 2014;10(2):159-177.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2219 .

Glušac, Luka, "Securitizing Migration in the European Union: from Openness to Ban-Opticon" in Serbian Political Thought, 10, no. 2 (2014):159-177,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2219 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2011
UR  - 341.785; 341.231.14
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2229
AB  - U ovom radu autor će pokušati da objasni vezu između ljudske bezbednosti i humanitarnih intervencija, posmatranu pre svega kroz prizmu pristupa „Odgovornost da se zaštiti“ (Responsibility
to Protect, u daljem tekstu R2P), kao i posmatranjem prakse Ujedinjenih nacija. Ispitivanjem ovog pristupa pokušaćemo da damo odgovor na pitanje ima li on pozitivnu podršku i praktičnu vrednost, odnosno na pitanje možemo li očekivati da države i međunarodna zajednica (oličena u Organizaciji
Ujedinjenih nacija) slede R2P pristup u svom delovanju. Takođe, pokušaćemo da odgovorimo na pitanje kakve bi posledice ovaj pristup imao po suverenitet država ukoliko bi postao praksa. Pokušaćemo da odgovorimo i na to možemo li zarad ostvarivanja ljudske bezbednosti narušiti državnu bezbednost, kao i na to da li jedna država široko rasprostranjenim i teškim kršenjima osnovnih ljudskih prava gubi pravo na suverenitet.
PB  - Belgrade Centre for Security Policy
T2  - Bezbednost Zapadnog Balkana
T1  - Humanitarne intervencije u konceptu ljudske bezbednosti
IS  - 16
SP  - 80
EP  - 92
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2229
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2011",
abstract = "U ovom radu autor će pokušati da objasni vezu između ljudske bezbednosti i humanitarnih intervencija, posmatranu pre svega kroz prizmu pristupa „Odgovornost da se zaštiti“ (Responsibility
to Protect, u daljem tekstu R2P), kao i posmatranjem prakse Ujedinjenih nacija. Ispitivanjem ovog pristupa pokušaćemo da damo odgovor na pitanje ima li on pozitivnu podršku i praktičnu vrednost, odnosno na pitanje možemo li očekivati da države i međunarodna zajednica (oličena u Organizaciji
Ujedinjenih nacija) slede R2P pristup u svom delovanju. Takođe, pokušaćemo da odgovorimo na pitanje kakve bi posledice ovaj pristup imao po suverenitet država ukoliko bi postao praksa. Pokušaćemo da odgovorimo i na to možemo li zarad ostvarivanja ljudske bezbednosti narušiti državnu bezbednost, kao i na to da li jedna država široko rasprostranjenim i teškim kršenjima osnovnih ljudskih prava gubi pravo na suverenitet.",
publisher = "Belgrade Centre for Security Policy",
journal = "Bezbednost Zapadnog Balkana",
title = "Humanitarne intervencije u konceptu ljudske bezbednosti",
number = "16",
pages = "80-92",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2229"
}

Glušac, L.. (2011). Humanitarne intervencije u konceptu ljudske bezbednosti. in Bezbednost Zapadnog Balkana
Belgrade Centre for Security Policy.(16), 80-92.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2229

Glušac L. Humanitarne intervencije u konceptu ljudske bezbednosti. in Bezbednost Zapadnog Balkana. 2011;(16):80-92.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2229 .

Glušac, Luka, "Humanitarne intervencije u konceptu ljudske bezbednosti" in Bezbednost Zapadnog Balkana, no. 16 (2011):80-92,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2229 .