Glušac, L.. (2024). At (en)large : capturing the voice of citizens through citizens’ assemblies on the EU level. in Florence School of Transnational Governance, STG Policy Papers
Florence : European University Instiute.(3).
https://doi.org/10.2870/343673

Glušac L. At (en)large : capturing the voice of citizens through citizens’ assemblies on the EU level. in Florence School of Transnational Governance, STG Policy Papers. 2024;(3).
doi:10.2870/343673 .

Glušac, Luka, "At (en)large : capturing the voice of citizens through citizens’ assemblies on the EU level" in Florence School of Transnational Governance, STG Policy Papers, no. 3 (2024),
https://doi.org/10.2870/343673 . .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3666
AB  - This study explores how ombuds institutions, here defined as independent oversight bodies that
receive complaints and investigate matters pertaining to the protection and promotion of human
rights and/or maladministration, can contribute to the realization of the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable
Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The focus of the study is
on SDG 16, because it is devoted to promoting peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable
development, providing access to justice for all, and building effective, accountable, and inclusive
institutions at all levels. In other words, this SDG is aligned the most with the mandate and
functions of ombuds institutions. Another reason for the focus on SDG 16 is the attempt of this
study to add the security sector into the equation, where and when possible. This is done by connecting
the SDG framework with the concept of security sector governance (SSG) and security
sector reform (SSR), and the principles that guide them.
With their unique position in-between three branches of power, the mandate to oversee public
administration (including the security sector) and protect human rights, ombuds institutions
are well-placed to play an important role in national efforts to fulfil the SDGs. However, the key
argument of this research is that their main role should be to support and contribute, not to lead.
Achieving the SDGs calls for a strong web of institutions and partnerships. Ombuds institutions
(and other forms of national human rights institutions: NHRIs) are central national human
rights actors but must not be expected to lead the realization of human rights-based SDGs. They
cannot be the only game in town. In fact, for a number of the SDG 16 targets, ombuds institutions
should primarily serve as accountability mechanisms. They should work with, pressure,
and make public administration accountable, in cases when the administration as the primary
duty-bearer fails to protect the rights of citizens and when their actions fall short of the standards
needed to achieve the SDGs. This particularly applies to security sector institutions, considering
that their actions, particularly of the police and security services, may interfere with human
rights in an unparalleled way, as they are authorized to use special measures to penetrate deep
into the private lives of citizens.
The central assumption of this study is that ombuds institutions can contribute to achieving
all SDG 16 targets. To demonstrate how this could be done in practice, the research explores the role of ombuds institutions in achieving SDG 16 by looking at both implementation and
accountability. The former is captured under the title ‘leaving no one behind’ and the latter under
‘leaving no one unaccountable.’ Leaving no one behind is a central credo of the 2030 Agenda. It
is highly relevant for SDG 16, as well as SSG/R, due to the centrality of the principles of responsiveness
and participation, which posit that the security sector should respond to the security
needs of all, and conversely, all should be involved, to the extent possible, in the development of
security policies.
SDG 16 stresses the need for strong institutions that are built on respect for human rights,
effective rule of law, and good governance at all levels. It is arguably one of the most ambitious
goals in the 2030 Agenda because it is not simply a goal by itself but also an enabler for the
achievement of other goals. Nonetheless, as this study demonstrates, many SDG 16 targets are
rather vague, and limited guidance exists on how to measure and achieve them, especially in
fragile contexts. This study thus provides guidance and recommendations to ombuds institutions
and other actors on how to best support each other in achieving SDG 16.
PB  - London : Ubiquity Press
PB  - Geneva : DCAF- Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance
T2  - Ubiquity Press and DCAF
T1  - Leaving No One Behind, Leaving No One Unaccountable: Ombuds Institutions, Good (Security Sector) Governance and Sustainable Development Goal 16
DO  - https://doi.org/10.5334/bcw
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2023",
abstract = "This study explores how ombuds institutions, here defined as independent oversight bodies that
receive complaints and investigate matters pertaining to the protection and promotion of human
rights and/or maladministration, can contribute to the realization of the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable
Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The focus of the study is
on SDG 16, because it is devoted to promoting peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable
development, providing access to justice for all, and building effective, accountable, and inclusive
institutions at all levels. In other words, this SDG is aligned the most with the mandate and
functions of ombuds institutions. Another reason for the focus on SDG 16 is the attempt of this
study to add the security sector into the equation, where and when possible. This is done by connecting
the SDG framework with the concept of security sector governance (SSG) and security
sector reform (SSR), and the principles that guide them.
With their unique position in-between three branches of power, the mandate to oversee public
administration (including the security sector) and protect human rights, ombuds institutions
are well-placed to play an important role in national efforts to fulfil the SDGs. However, the key
argument of this research is that their main role should be to support and contribute, not to lead.
Achieving the SDGs calls for a strong web of institutions and partnerships. Ombuds institutions
(and other forms of national human rights institutions: NHRIs) are central national human
rights actors but must not be expected to lead the realization of human rights-based SDGs. They
cannot be the only game in town. In fact, for a number of the SDG 16 targets, ombuds institutions
should primarily serve as accountability mechanisms. They should work with, pressure,
and make public administration accountable, in cases when the administration as the primary
duty-bearer fails to protect the rights of citizens and when their actions fall short of the standards
needed to achieve the SDGs. This particularly applies to security sector institutions, considering
that their actions, particularly of the police and security services, may interfere with human
rights in an unparalleled way, as they are authorized to use special measures to penetrate deep
into the private lives of citizens.
The central assumption of this study is that ombuds institutions can contribute to achieving
all SDG 16 targets. To demonstrate how this could be done in practice, the research explores the role of ombuds institutions in achieving SDG 16 by looking at both implementation and
accountability. The former is captured under the title ‘leaving no one behind’ and the latter under
‘leaving no one unaccountable.’ Leaving no one behind is a central credo of the 2030 Agenda. It
is highly relevant for SDG 16, as well as SSG/R, due to the centrality of the principles of responsiveness
and participation, which posit that the security sector should respond to the security
needs of all, and conversely, all should be involved, to the extent possible, in the development of
security policies.
SDG 16 stresses the need for strong institutions that are built on respect for human rights,
effective rule of law, and good governance at all levels. It is arguably one of the most ambitious
goals in the 2030 Agenda because it is not simply a goal by itself but also an enabler for the
achievement of other goals. Nonetheless, as this study demonstrates, many SDG 16 targets are
rather vague, and limited guidance exists on how to measure and achieve them, especially in
fragile contexts. This study thus provides guidance and recommendations to ombuds institutions
and other actors on how to best support each other in achieving SDG 16.",
publisher = "London : Ubiquity Press, Geneva : DCAF- Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance",
journal = "Ubiquity Press and DCAF",
title = "Leaving No One Behind, Leaving No One Unaccountable: Ombuds Institutions, Good (Security Sector) Governance and Sustainable Development Goal 16",
doi = "https://doi.org/10.5334/bcw"
}

Glušac, L.. (2023). Leaving No One Behind, Leaving No One Unaccountable: Ombuds Institutions, Good (Security Sector) Governance and Sustainable Development Goal 16. in Ubiquity Press and DCAF
London : Ubiquity Press..
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.5334/bcw

Glušac L. Leaving No One Behind, Leaving No One Unaccountable: Ombuds Institutions, Good (Security Sector) Governance and Sustainable Development Goal 16. in Ubiquity Press and DCAF. 2023;.
doi:https://doi.org/10.5334/bcw .

Glušac, Luka, "Leaving No One Behind, Leaving No One Unaccountable: Ombuds Institutions, Good (Security Sector) Governance and Sustainable Development Goal 16" in Ubiquity Press and DCAF (2023),
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.5334/bcw . .

TY  - GEN
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3121
AB  - Iako je u pravni saobraćaj uveden institut krivične odgovornosti pravnih lica, odgovornost i dalje ima individualni predznak, jer se, po pravilu, vezuje za pojedinca i njegovo (ne)postupanje. Dok je moralna i pravna odgovornost pojedinca za svoje postupke predmet brojnih razmatranja, postoji značajan prostor za dalja istraživanja o odgovornosti za postupke drugih, naročito u kontekstu razvoja veštačke inteligencije. Ovaj rad se bavi specifičnim oblikom odgovornosti za druge – odgovornošću za postupke ljudi i neljudi u kontekstu oružanog sukoba. Rad istražuje koncept individualne komandne odgovornosti kroz njegovu primenu na postupke potčinjenih, i to ljudi i autonomnih oružanih sistema. Kada postoji komandna odgovornost? Koji testovi se primenjuju da bi se ona utvrdila? Da li se i kako institut „znao ili morao znati“ iz međunarodnog humanitarnog prava može primeniti na postupanje autonomnih oružanih sistema? Dokle seže autonomnost ovakvih sistema i koje su njene posledice po utvrđivanje odgovornosti? To su centralna pitanja ovog istraživanja.
PB  - Beograd: Institut za filozofiju, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu
T2  - Knjiga apstrakata sa okruglog stola "Moralna odgovornost i problemi savremenog društva"
T1  - Znao ili morao znati: o odgovornosti za postupke drugih
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3121
ER  - 

@misc{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Iako je u pravni saobraćaj uveden institut krivične odgovornosti pravnih lica, odgovornost i dalje ima individualni predznak, jer se, po pravilu, vezuje za pojedinca i njegovo (ne)postupanje. Dok je moralna i pravna odgovornost pojedinca za svoje postupke predmet brojnih razmatranja, postoji značajan prostor za dalja istraživanja o odgovornosti za postupke drugih, naročito u kontekstu razvoja veštačke inteligencije. Ovaj rad se bavi specifičnim oblikom odgovornosti za druge – odgovornošću za postupke ljudi i neljudi u kontekstu oružanog sukoba. Rad istražuje koncept individualne komandne odgovornosti kroz njegovu primenu na postupke potčinjenih, i to ljudi i autonomnih oružanih sistema. Kada postoji komandna odgovornost? Koji testovi se primenjuju da bi se ona utvrdila? Da li se i kako institut „znao ili morao znati“ iz međunarodnog humanitarnog prava može primeniti na postupanje autonomnih oružanih sistema? Dokle seže autonomnost ovakvih sistema i koje su njene posledice po utvrđivanje odgovornosti? To su centralna pitanja ovog istraživanja.",
publisher = "Beograd: Institut za filozofiju, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu",
journal = "Knjiga apstrakata sa okruglog stola "Moralna odgovornost i problemi savremenog društva"",
title = "Znao ili morao znati: o odgovornosti za postupke drugih",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3121"
}

Glušac, L.. (2023). Znao ili morao znati: o odgovornosti za postupke drugih. in Knjiga apstrakata sa okruglog stola "Moralna odgovornost i problemi savremenog društva"
Beograd: Institut za filozofiju, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3121

Glušac L. Znao ili morao znati: o odgovornosti za postupke drugih. in Knjiga apstrakata sa okruglog stola "Moralna odgovornost i problemi savremenog društva". 2023;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3121 .

Glušac, Luka, "Znao ili morao znati: o odgovornosti za postupke drugih" in Knjiga apstrakata sa okruglog stola "Moralna odgovornost i problemi savremenog društva" (2023),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3121 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2023
UR  - https://medjunarodnapolitika.rs/clanak/2023/1188/2/
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2925
AB  - Ovaj rad teži osvetljavanju evolutivnog puta koncepta nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava.One su danas prisutne u preko sto država sveta, sa posebnimstatusomu sistemu Ujedinjenihnacija. Ipak, domaća literatura se nije bavila time kako je do takvog razvoja došlo. Stoga ovaj rad pokušava da doprinese popunjavanju te praznine, predstavljajući i kritički se odnoseći prema ključnoj fazi razvoja koncepta nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava, od usvajanja Ženevskih smernica 1978. godine do donošenja Pariskih principa 1991. godine, te njihovog utemeljenja kroz odluke organa UN. Posebna pažnja posvećuje se modelima nacionalnih institucija, kao i postupku akreditacije ovih institucija, jedinstvenog u sistemu UN.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu
T2  - Međunarodna politika
T1  - Razvoj koncepta nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava: od Ženevskih smernica do Pariskih principa
IS  - 1188
VL  - 74
SP  - 29
EP  - 54
DO  - 10.18485/iipe_mp.2023.74.1188.2
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Ovaj rad teži osvetljavanju evolutivnog puta koncepta nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava.One su danas prisutne u preko sto država sveta, sa posebnimstatusomu sistemu Ujedinjenihnacija. Ipak, domaća literatura se nije bavila time kako je do takvog razvoja došlo. Stoga ovaj rad pokušava da doprinese popunjavanju te praznine, predstavljajući i kritički se odnoseći prema ključnoj fazi razvoja koncepta nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava, od usvajanja Ženevskih smernica 1978. godine do donošenja Pariskih principa 1991. godine, te njihovog utemeljenja kroz odluke organa UN. Posebna pažnja posvećuje se modelima nacionalnih institucija, kao i postupku akreditacije ovih institucija, jedinstvenog u sistemu UN.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu",
journal = "Međunarodna politika",
title = "Razvoj koncepta nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava: od Ženevskih smernica do Pariskih principa",
number = "1188",
volume = "74",
pages = "29-54",
doi = "10.18485/iipe_mp.2023.74.1188.2"
}

Glušac, L.. (2023). Razvoj koncepta nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava: od Ženevskih smernica do Pariskih principa. in Međunarodna politika
Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu., 74(1188), 29-54.
https://doi.org/10.18485/iipe_mp.2023.74.1188.2

Glušac L. Razvoj koncepta nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava: od Ženevskih smernica do Pariskih principa. in Međunarodna politika. 2023;74(1188):29-54.
doi:10.18485/iipe_mp.2023.74.1188.2 .

Glušac, Luka, "Razvoj koncepta nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava: od Ženevskih smernica do Pariskih principa" in Međunarodna politika, 74, no. 1188 (2023):29-54,
https://doi.org/10.18485/iipe_mp.2023.74.1188.2 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2545
AB  - Koncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava kakav danas poznajemo nastao je pod okriljem Ujedinjenih nacija. Iako su nacionalne institucije za ljudska prava u savremenom kontekstu predmet rastućeg broja istraživanja, evolutivni put same ideje o njihovom stvaranju ostao je umnogome neosvetljen. Ovim radom se želi doprineti popunjavanju te praznine u literaturi, tako što se kroz analizu ključnih dokumenata nastalih u radu Ujedinjenih nacija prati istorijat ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava od kraja Drugog svetskog rata do usvajanja Ženevskih smernica 1978. godine. Rad otkiva kako se sam koncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava razvijao kroz vreme, kako je razumevan, koje funkcije su vezivane za ove institucije, a koje organizacione forme uzimane kao modeli. U radu se sagledavaju kretanja stavova država članica u odnosu na dato pitanje i omogućava bolje razumevanje konteksta u kojem se ova ideja razvijala. S tim u vezi, rad nudi nova saznanja o tome kako je proces pregovaranja osnovnih konvencija UN o ljudskim pravima uticao na razvoj ideje o stvaranju nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava, što je faktor koji dosad nije razmatran.
PB  - Beograd: Institut za uporedno pravo
T2  - Strani pravni život
T1  - Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978)
IS  - 1
VL  - 66
SP  - 59
EP  - 74
DO  - 10 .5937/spz66-36226
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Koncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava kakav danas poznajemo nastao je pod okriljem Ujedinjenih nacija. Iako su nacionalne institucije za ljudska prava u savremenom kontekstu predmet rastućeg broja istraživanja, evolutivni put same ideje o njihovom stvaranju ostao je umnogome neosvetljen. Ovim radom se želi doprineti popunjavanju te praznine u literaturi, tako što se kroz analizu ključnih dokumenata nastalih u radu Ujedinjenih nacija prati istorijat ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava od kraja Drugog svetskog rata do usvajanja Ženevskih smernica 1978. godine. Rad otkiva kako se sam koncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava razvijao kroz vreme, kako je razumevan, koje funkcije su vezivane za ove institucije, a koje organizacione forme uzimane kao modeli. U radu se sagledavaju kretanja stavova država članica u odnosu na dato pitanje i omogućava bolje razumevanje konteksta u kojem se ova ideja razvijala. S tim u vezi, rad nudi nova saznanja o tome kako je proces pregovaranja osnovnih konvencija UN o ljudskim pravima uticao na razvoj ideje o stvaranju nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava, što je faktor koji dosad nije razmatran.",
publisher = "Beograd: Institut za uporedno pravo",
journal = "Strani pravni život",
title = "Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978)",
number = "1",
volume = "66",
pages = "59-74",
doi = "10 .5937/spz66-36226"
}

Glušac, L.. (2022). Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978). in Strani pravni život
Beograd: Institut za uporedno pravo., 66(1), 59-74.
https://doi.org/10 .5937/spz66-36226

Glušac L. Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978). in Strani pravni život. 2022;66(1):59-74.
doi:10 .5937/spz66-36226 .

Glušac, Luka, "Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978)" in Strani pravni život, 66, no. 1 (2022):59-74,
https://doi.org/10 .5937/spz66-36226 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2568
AB  - National human rights institutions have become a salient feature of national and global human rights architecture. Although scholars have paid much attention to their general relationship with the United Nations, it is surprising that very little has been written on how this has reflected in the Universal Periodic Review as the UN’s only peer-review human rights mechanism. This article aims to contribute to filling this gap. Firstly, the article presents original data on the frequency and regional distribution of national human rights institutions’ participation in the first two Universal Periodic Review cycles. Besides reporting, the author identifies a plethora of other entry points and offers recommendations on how national human rights institutions can maximize their impact on the Universal Periodic Review outcome. Secondly, this article explores if national human rights institutions have been the objects of Universal Periodic Review recommendations. Have the Member States advocated for the establishment and strengthening of national human rights institutions through the Universal Periodic Review or not? Have national human rights institutions been high on Member States’ (foreign) policy agendas? How have the States under Review responded to recommendations to establish national human rights institutions? The implications of these empirical questions are discussed in the context of human rights compliance and norm diffusion literature. The article argues that while having some features of ‘rights ritualism’, the insistently cooperative and
inclusive character of the Universal Periodic Review facilitates a genuine discussion of existing human rights situations. This has a real potential to lead to human rights policy changes over time through the process of acculturation, which is demonstrated with the example of national human rights institutions-related Universal Periodic Review recommendations.
PB  - Oxford University Press
T2  - Journal of Human Rights Practice
T1  - Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions
DO  - 10.1093/jhuman/huab05
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2022",
abstract = "National human rights institutions have become a salient feature of national and global human rights architecture. Although scholars have paid much attention to their general relationship with the United Nations, it is surprising that very little has been written on how this has reflected in the Universal Periodic Review as the UN’s only peer-review human rights mechanism. This article aims to contribute to filling this gap. Firstly, the article presents original data on the frequency and regional distribution of national human rights institutions’ participation in the first two Universal Periodic Review cycles. Besides reporting, the author identifies a plethora of other entry points and offers recommendations on how national human rights institutions can maximize their impact on the Universal Periodic Review outcome. Secondly, this article explores if national human rights institutions have been the objects of Universal Periodic Review recommendations. Have the Member States advocated for the establishment and strengthening of national human rights institutions through the Universal Periodic Review or not? Have national human rights institutions been high on Member States’ (foreign) policy agendas? How have the States under Review responded to recommendations to establish national human rights institutions? The implications of these empirical questions are discussed in the context of human rights compliance and norm diffusion literature. The article argues that while having some features of ‘rights ritualism’, the insistently cooperative and
inclusive character of the Universal Periodic Review facilitates a genuine discussion of existing human rights situations. This has a real potential to lead to human rights policy changes over time through the process of acculturation, which is demonstrated with the example of national human rights institutions-related Universal Periodic Review recommendations.",
publisher = "Oxford University Press",
journal = "Journal of Human Rights Practice",
title = "Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions",
doi = "10.1093/jhuman/huab05"
}

Glušac, L.. (2022). Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions. in Journal of Human Rights Practice
Oxford University Press..
https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huab05

Glušac L. Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions. in Journal of Human Rights Practice. 2022;.
doi:10.1093/jhuman/huab05 .

Glušac, Luka, "Universal Periodic Review and Policy Change: The Case of National Human Rights Institutions" in Journal of Human Rights Practice (2022),
https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huab05 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2021
UR  - 616.98:578.834]:321.7(497.11)
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2271
AB  - In this paper, I aim to demonstrate that the outbreak of the COVID-19 crisis has only intensified the deterioration of Serbian constitutional order and has weakened its democratic institutions. The central argument is that the state of emergency declared in mid-March 2020, as well as the other measures imposed on the citizens affecting their human rights, has been problematic from both procedural and substantial aspects. The paper discusses the consequences of those measures for the quality of democracy and the rule of law in Serbia.
PB  - Center for Risk Analysis and Crisis Management, Belgrade (CARUK)
PB  - Croatian Association for International Studies, Zagreb (HUMS)
PB  - Institute for Development and International Relations, Zagreb (IRMO)
PB  - Libertas International University, Zagreb
C3  - Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2
T1  - Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty
SP  - 150
EP  - 163
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2021",
abstract = "In this paper, I aim to demonstrate that the outbreak of the COVID-19 crisis has only intensified the deterioration of Serbian constitutional order and has weakened its democratic institutions. The central argument is that the state of emergency declared in mid-March 2020, as well as the other measures imposed on the citizens affecting their human rights, has been problematic from both procedural and substantial aspects. The paper discusses the consequences of those measures for the quality of democracy and the rule of law in Serbia.",
publisher = "Center for Risk Analysis and Crisis Management, Belgrade (CARUK), Croatian Association for International Studies, Zagreb (HUMS), Institute for Development and International Relations, Zagreb (IRMO), Libertas International University, Zagreb",
journal = "Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2",
title = "Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty",
pages = "150-163",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271"
}

Glušac, L.. (2021). Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty. in Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2
Center for Risk Analysis and Crisis Management, Belgrade (CARUK)., 150-163.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271

Glušac L. Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty. in Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2. 2021;:150-163.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271 .

Glušac, Luka, "Serbia and COVID-19: The State of Emergency as a State of Uncertainty" in Security Crises in the 21st Century and How to Manage Them: COVID-19 - Health and Safety aspects, Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference held online on October 13 and 14, 2020, Volume 2 (2021):150-163,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2271 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2209
AB  - This article offers a detailed critical appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman, adopted in 2019 by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe. It praises them for being the most comprehensive set of constitutional and legal principles relating to ombudsman to date, drafted to be applicable to different legal and political systems. However, the article finds that such adaptability also resulted in some trade-offs and came at the expense of conceptual clarity of some of the principles. Despite that, the Venice Principles present a more complete document than the Paris Principles on National Human Rights Institutions, with better internal logic and consistency when it comes to ombudsman’s issues. The article concludes that ombudsman institutions fully in line with the Venice Principles would, ipso facto, reach a normative threshold for the compliance with the Paris Principles.
PB  - Oxford University Press
T2  - Human Rights Law Review
T1  - A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?
IS  - 1
VL  - 21
SP  - 22
EP  - 53
DO  - 10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2021",
abstract = "This article offers a detailed critical appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman, adopted in 2019 by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe. It praises them for being the most comprehensive set of constitutional and legal principles relating to ombudsman to date, drafted to be applicable to different legal and political systems. However, the article finds that such adaptability also resulted in some trade-offs and came at the expense of conceptual clarity of some of the principles. Despite that, the Venice Principles present a more complete document than the Paris Principles on National Human Rights Institutions, with better internal logic and consistency when it comes to ombudsman’s issues. The article concludes that ombudsman institutions fully in line with the Venice Principles would, ipso facto, reach a normative threshold for the compliance with the Paris Principles.",
publisher = "Oxford University Press",
journal = "Human Rights Law Review",
title = "A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?",
number = "1",
volume = "21",
pages = "22-53",
doi = "10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040"
}

Glušac, L.. (2021). A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?. in Human Rights Law Review
Oxford University Press., 21(1), 22-53.
https://doi.org/10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040

Glušac L. A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?. in Human Rights Law Review. 2021;21(1):22-53.
doi:10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040 .

Glušac, Luka, "A Critical Appraisal of the Venice Principles on the Protection and Promotion of the Ombudsman: An Equivalent to the Paris Principles?" in Human Rights Law Review, 21, no. 1 (2021):22-53,
https://doi.org/10.1093/hrlr/ngaa040 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2267
AB  - U fokusu ovog rada je koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa (TRBK), kao originalnog doprinosa Buzana i Vejvera studijama bezbednosti. Uvođenje koncepta insulatora bilo je neophodno kako bi se prevazišla teškoća u određivanju granica između regiona, odnosno kompleksa, odnosno kako bi se objasnilo različito delovanje jedinica (pre svega država) u odnosu na regionalni bezbednosni kompleks kojem ne pripadaju. Cilj ovog rada je propitivanje i dalja nadgradnja koncepta insulatora u TRBK, uvođenjem razlikovanja pasivnog i aktivnog insulatora. Pasivni insulator u ovakvoj podeli predstavlja tradicionalnog, odnosno uobičajenog insulatora koji razdvaja bezbednosne dinamike okolnih kompleksa, apsorbujući njihove energije. Za razliku od njega, aktivni insulator je onaj koji više emituje energiju, koji je važan činilac u bezbednosnim dinamikama susednih kompleksa, ali ne u dovoljnoj meri da ih ujedini u jedan jedinstveni. Pored doprinosa daljem razvijanju i preciziranju pojmovno-kategorijalnog aparata TRBK, uvođenje ovakve dihotomije ima i analitičko-prediktivnu funkciju jer postojanje aktivnog inuslatora sugeriše moguću transformaciju kompleksa, odnosno ukazuje na potencijal za integraciju ili dezintegraciju određenih (pod)regiona. Koncept insulatora se u radu težišno propituje razmatranjem statusa Turske u TRBK, dok se predložena klasifikacija insulatora inicijalno testira i kroz skiciranje primene 
 na druge države koje su Buzan i Vejver klasifikovali kao insulatore.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu
T2  - Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika
T1  - Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa
DO  - 10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2021",
abstract = "U fokusu ovog rada je koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa (TRBK), kao originalnog doprinosa Buzana i Vejvera studijama bezbednosti. Uvođenje koncepta insulatora bilo je neophodno kako bi se prevazišla teškoća u određivanju granica između regiona, odnosno kompleksa, odnosno kako bi se objasnilo različito delovanje jedinica (pre svega država) u odnosu na regionalni bezbednosni kompleks kojem ne pripadaju. Cilj ovog rada je propitivanje i dalja nadgradnja koncepta insulatora u TRBK, uvođenjem razlikovanja pasivnog i aktivnog insulatora. Pasivni insulator u ovakvoj podeli predstavlja tradicionalnog, odnosno uobičajenog insulatora koji razdvaja bezbednosne dinamike okolnih kompleksa, apsorbujući njihove energije. Za razliku od njega, aktivni insulator je onaj koji više emituje energiju, koji je važan činilac u bezbednosnim dinamikama susednih kompleksa, ali ne u dovoljnoj meri da ih ujedini u jedan jedinstveni. Pored doprinosa daljem razvijanju i preciziranju pojmovno-kategorijalnog aparata TRBK, uvođenje ovakve dihotomije ima i analitičko-prediktivnu funkciju jer postojanje aktivnog inuslatora sugeriše moguću transformaciju kompleksa, odnosno ukazuje na potencijal za integraciju ili dezintegraciju određenih (pod)regiona. Koncept insulatora se u radu težišno propituje razmatranjem statusa Turske u TRBK, dok se predložena klasifikacija insulatora inicijalno testira i kroz skiciranje primene 
 na druge države koje su Buzan i Vejver klasifikovali kao insulatore.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu",
journal = "Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika",
booktitle = "Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa",
doi = "10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2"
}

Glušac, L.. (2021). Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa. in Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika
Beograd : Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu..
https://doi.org/10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2

Glušac L. Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa. in Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika. 2021;.
doi:10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2 .

Glušac, Luka, "Koncept insulatora u teoriji regionalnog bezbednosnog kompleksa" in Regionalna bezbednost: pristupi, elementi, dinamika (2021),
https://doi.org/10.18485/iipe_regbezb.2021.ch2 . .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Glušac, Luka
AU  - De Vrieze, Franklin
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2268
PB  - London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy
T1  - It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Glušac, Luka and De Vrieze, Franklin",
year = "2021",
publisher = "London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy",
title = "It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268"
}

Glušac, L.,& De Vrieze, F.. (2021). It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives. 
London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268

Glušac L, De Vrieze F. It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives. 2021;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268 .

Glušac, Luka, De Vrieze, Franklin, "It’s complicated: Parliament’s relationship with anti-corruption agencies in Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Maldives" (2021),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2268 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2210
AB  - Despite not being a new phenomenon, nor an Islamic specificum, only recently when the West has increasingly become a potential target of returning foreign fighters from the Syrian theater has the international community reacted. The UN Security Council called on Member-States to, inter alia, immediately amend their national legislation to criminalize travelling abroad for terrorist purposes. However, as I identify in this article, contrary to majority of the Western countries, the Western Balkan countries opted to amend their legislation to criminalize travelling abroad to join conflict irrespective of its connection with terrorism, going well beyond the intended aim of the Security Council’s resolutions. I argue that this broader criminal law approach is difficult to justify from either preventive or reactive perspectives. It is, in fact, an anxious and ineffective response to foreign fighters phenomenon. It is anxious because existing data shows that countries from the region have suffered fewer extremist attacks than the West. Notwithstanding, they still decided to introduce far more aggressive legislative changes, even though it only amplified securitizing moves performed by fighters` recruiters. I further demonstrate that the implementation of this new legislation has been ineffective particularly due to: (1) the challenge of securing court-strong evidence, especially those gathered through international intelligence cooperation; (2) its application mainly as an alternative when other terrorism-related offences cannot be proved; and (3) biased law application in countries that have returning fighters from both Middle East and Ukraine.
PB  - Belgrade Centre for Security Policy
T2  - Journal of Regional Security
T1  - Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans
IS  - 1
VL  - 15
SP  - 39
EP  - 74
DO  - 10.5937/jrs15-24025
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Despite not being a new phenomenon, nor an Islamic specificum, only recently when the West has increasingly become a potential target of returning foreign fighters from the Syrian theater has the international community reacted. The UN Security Council called on Member-States to, inter alia, immediately amend their national legislation to criminalize travelling abroad for terrorist purposes. However, as I identify in this article, contrary to majority of the Western countries, the Western Balkan countries opted to amend their legislation to criminalize travelling abroad to join conflict irrespective of its connection with terrorism, going well beyond the intended aim of the Security Council’s resolutions. I argue that this broader criminal law approach is difficult to justify from either preventive or reactive perspectives. It is, in fact, an anxious and ineffective response to foreign fighters phenomenon. It is anxious because existing data shows that countries from the region have suffered fewer extremist attacks than the West. Notwithstanding, they still decided to introduce far more aggressive legislative changes, even though it only amplified securitizing moves performed by fighters` recruiters. I further demonstrate that the implementation of this new legislation has been ineffective particularly due to: (1) the challenge of securing court-strong evidence, especially those gathered through international intelligence cooperation; (2) its application mainly as an alternative when other terrorism-related offences cannot be proved; and (3) biased law application in countries that have returning fighters from both Middle East and Ukraine.",
publisher = "Belgrade Centre for Security Policy",
journal = "Journal of Regional Security",
title = "Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans",
number = "1",
volume = "15",
pages = "39-74",
doi = "10.5937/jrs15-24025"
}

Glušac, L.. (2020). Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans. in Journal of Regional Security
Belgrade Centre for Security Policy., 15(1), 39-74.
https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs15-24025

Glušac L. Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans. in Journal of Regional Security. 2020;15(1):39-74.
doi:10.5937/jrs15-24025 .

Glušac, Luka, "Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans" in Journal of Regional Security, 15, no. 1 (2020):39-74,
https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs15-24025 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2020
UR  - 321.01:342.7
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2211
AB  - Dok je delovanje ombudsmana u novim i konsolidovanim demokratijama podrobno obrađeno u literaturi, njegova uloga i dometi u tranzicionim državama ostali su u značajnoj meri neosvetljeni. Ovim radom želi se doprineti postojećoj literaturi i boljem razumevanju akterstva ombudsmana u tim društvima. Uporedno posmatrano, ombudsmani su tokom poslednjih tridesetak godina u velikom broju država inaugurisani u organe ustavnog ranga. Konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana donela je robusniju pravnu garanciju opstanka institucije, čime joj je dat normativni preduslov da deluje kao važan institucionalni garant vladavine prava. Na osnovu uporednih iskustava – od Latinske Amerike, preko Evrope, do jugoistočne Azije – u radu se pokazuje kako se institucija ombudsmana razvijala u državama krhke demokratske konstitucije. U radu se zaključuje da se konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana pokazala kao uspešna brana njegovom gašenju, ali ne i gušenju, jer su izvršna i zakonodavna vlast iznalazili različite načine da otežaju rad ove nezavisne institucije.
PB  - Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka
C3  - Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji
T1  - Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Dok je delovanje ombudsmana u novim i konsolidovanim demokratijama podrobno obrađeno u literaturi, njegova uloga i dometi u tranzicionim državama ostali su u značajnoj meri neosvetljeni. Ovim radom želi se doprineti postojećoj literaturi i boljem razumevanju akterstva ombudsmana u tim društvima. Uporedno posmatrano, ombudsmani su tokom poslednjih tridesetak godina u velikom broju država inaugurisani u organe ustavnog ranga. Konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana donela je robusniju pravnu garanciju opstanka institucije, čime joj je dat normativni preduslov da deluje kao važan institucionalni garant vladavine prava. Na osnovu uporednih iskustava – od Latinske Amerike, preko Evrope, do jugoistočne Azije – u radu se pokazuje kako se institucija ombudsmana razvijala u državama krhke demokratske konstitucije. U radu se zaključuje da se konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana pokazala kao uspešna brana njegovom gašenju, ali ne i gušenju, jer su izvršna i zakonodavna vlast iznalazili različite načine da otežaju rad ove nezavisne institucije.",
publisher = "Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije, Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji",
title = "Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211"
}

Glušac, L.. (2020). Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama. in Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji
Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211

Glušac L. Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama. in Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211 .

Glušac, Luka, "Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama" in Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2211 .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Glušac, Luka
AU  - De Vrieze, Franklin
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2269
PB  - London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy
T1  - Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Glušac, Luka and De Vrieze, Franklin",
year = "2020",
publisher = "London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy",
title = "Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269"
}

Glušac, L.,& De Vrieze, F.. (2020). Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies. 
London : Westminster Foundation for Democracy..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269

Glušac L, De Vrieze F. Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269 .

Glušac, Luka, De Vrieze, Franklin, "Combatting Corruption Capably: An Assessment Framework for Parliament’s Interaction with Anti-Corruption Agencies" (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2269 .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2270
PB  - German Marshall Fund of the United States
T1  - Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2020",
publisher = "German Marshall Fund of the United States",
title = "Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270"
}

Glušac, L.. (2020). Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe. 
German Marshall Fund of the United States..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270

Glušac L. Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270 .

Glušac, Luka, "Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe" (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2270 .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Glušac, Luka
AU  - De Vrieze, Franklin
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2279
PB  - Westminster Foundation for Democracy
T1  - Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Glušac, Luka and De Vrieze, Franklin",
year = "2020",
publisher = "Westminster Foundation for Democracy",
title = "Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279"
}

Glušac, L.,& De Vrieze, F.. (2020). Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia. 
Westminster Foundation for Democracy..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279

Glušac L, De Vrieze F. Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279 .

Glušac, Luka, De Vrieze, Franklin, "Parliament’s Relationship to Anti-corruption Agencies: Evidence from Lithuania, Ukraine and Serbia" (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2279 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2213
AB  - Iako su nezavisna kontrolna i regulatorna tela deo pravno-političkog sistema Republike Srbije već niz godina, njihova priroda, funkcije i glavne odlike izazivaju česte nedoumice kako u opštoj, tako i stručnoj javnosti. Ključni atributi koji se odnose na ovu vrstu tela, poput nezavisnosti, samostalnosti, kontrole i regulacije, neretko se nekritički koriste, a njima se etiketiraju i tela koja pomenuta svojstva nemaju. U ovom radu se analizom domaćih pozitivnih propisa pokazuje da zakonodavac na nekonzistentan, a nekad i kontradiktoran, način uređuje nezavisnost kontrolnih i regulatornih tela. Istovremeno se demonstrira da nejasna nomenklatura državnih institucija dodatno otežava smeštanje regulatornih tela u pravni sistem, prevashodno zbog korišćenja termina „agencija“ za tela sasvim različite pravne prirode. Cilj ovog rada je da doprinese definisanju i razjašnjenju međusobnog odnosa pojmova nezavisnost i samostalnost, kao i pojašnjenju sličnosti i razlika između kontrolnih i regulatornih tela.
PB  - Pravni fakultet u Nišu
T2  - Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu
T1  - Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela
VL  - 87
SP  - 197
EP  - 216
DO  - 10.5937/zrpfn0-24691
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Iako su nezavisna kontrolna i regulatorna tela deo pravno-političkog sistema Republike Srbije već niz godina, njihova priroda, funkcije i glavne odlike izazivaju česte nedoumice kako u opštoj, tako i stručnoj javnosti. Ključni atributi koji se odnose na ovu vrstu tela, poput nezavisnosti, samostalnosti, kontrole i regulacije, neretko se nekritički koriste, a njima se etiketiraju i tela koja pomenuta svojstva nemaju. U ovom radu se analizom domaćih pozitivnih propisa pokazuje da zakonodavac na nekonzistentan, a nekad i kontradiktoran, način uređuje nezavisnost kontrolnih i regulatornih tela. Istovremeno se demonstrira da nejasna nomenklatura državnih institucija dodatno otežava smeštanje regulatornih tela u pravni sistem, prevashodno zbog korišćenja termina „agencija“ za tela sasvim različite pravne prirode. Cilj ovog rada je da doprinese definisanju i razjašnjenju međusobnog odnosa pojmova nezavisnost i samostalnost, kao i pojašnjenju sličnosti i razlika između kontrolnih i regulatornih tela.",
publisher = "Pravni fakultet u Nišu",
journal = "Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu",
title = "Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela",
volume = "87",
pages = "197-216",
doi = "10.5937/zrpfn0-24691"
}

Glušac, L.. (2020). Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela. in Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu
Pravni fakultet u Nišu., 87, 197-216.
https://doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-24691

Glušac L. Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela. in Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu. 2020;87:197-216.
doi:10.5937/zrpfn0-24691 .

Glušac, Luka, "Razlikovanje nezavisnih kontrolnih i regulatornih tela" in Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Nišu, 87 (2020):197-216,
https://doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-24691 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Glušac, Luka
AU  - Tepavac, Tara
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2212
AB  - Istraživanja su već pokazala da je ravnoteža između tri grane vlasti u Srbiji de facto narušena usled centralizacije moći u rukama izvršne vlasti, uz sve ćešće zloupotebe procedura i opstrukcije rada parlamenta i drugih institucija koje nadziru odnosno kontrolišu rad izvršne vlasti. Dugogodišnji izostanak ozbiljne parlamentarne kontrole izvršne vlasti, nerazvijena i nedelotvorna saradnja Narodne skupštine sa telima koja bira i koja su mu za svoj rad odgovorna, izostanak parlamentarne debate i suštinske rasprave u plenumu, kao i neodgovornost narodnih poslanika, doprineli su sistemskom urušavanju položaja parlamenta u Srbiji. Stoga parlament sve češće stiče epitet marginalizovane „glasačke mašine“ koji potvrđuje odluke Vlade. Ovim radom težimo da pokažemo da je centralizacija moći izvršne vlasti u Srbiji otišla dalje od de facto „prevlasti“ nad parlamentom, već i da ima najdirektniji uticaj na urušavanje celokupnog sistema podele vlasti kroz normativno i faktičko onemogućavanje nezavisnog delovanja sudske vlasti i kontrolnih tela, ali i obesmišljavanja učešća civilnog društva u kreiranju javnih politika. Drugim rečima, ovim radom želimo da demonstriramo kontinuiranu intenciju izvršne vlasti da daljom centralizacijom moći i neutralisanjem svih institucija koje njen rad kontrolišu odnosno nadziru, svoj primat ojača i ustoliči.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa
T1  - Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji
SP  - 80
EP  - 102
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Glušac, Luka and Tepavac, Tara",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Istraživanja su već pokazala da je ravnoteža između tri grane vlasti u Srbiji de facto narušena usled centralizacije moći u rukama izvršne vlasti, uz sve ćešće zloupotebe procedura i opstrukcije rada parlamenta i drugih institucija koje nadziru odnosno kontrolišu rad izvršne vlasti. Dugogodišnji izostanak ozbiljne parlamentarne kontrole izvršne vlasti, nerazvijena i nedelotvorna saradnja Narodne skupštine sa telima koja bira i koja su mu za svoj rad odgovorna, izostanak parlamentarne debate i suštinske rasprave u plenumu, kao i neodgovornost narodnih poslanika, doprineli su sistemskom urušavanju položaja parlamenta u Srbiji. Stoga parlament sve češće stiče epitet marginalizovane „glasačke mašine“ koji potvrđuje odluke Vlade. Ovim radom težimo da pokažemo da je centralizacija moći izvršne vlasti u Srbiji otišla dalje od de facto „prevlasti“ nad parlamentom, već i da ima najdirektniji uticaj na urušavanje celokupnog sistema podele vlasti kroz normativno i faktičko onemogućavanje nezavisnog delovanja sudske vlasti i kontrolnih tela, ali i obesmišljavanja učešća civilnog društva u kreiranju javnih politika. Drugim rečima, ovim radom želimo da demonstriramo kontinuiranu intenciju izvršne vlasti da daljom centralizacijom moći i neutralisanjem svih institucija koje njen rad kontrolišu odnosno nadziru, svoj primat ojača i ustoliči.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa",
booktitle = "Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji",
pages = "80-102",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212"
}

Glušac, L.,& Tepavac, T.. (2019). Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji. in Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 80-102.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212

Glušac L, Tepavac T. Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji. in Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa. 2019;:80-102.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212 .

Glušac, Luka, Tepavac, Tara, "Narušavanje podele i ravnoteže vlasti: dominacija egzekutive u Srbiji" in Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa (2019):80-102,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2212 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2047
AB  - In this article, I examine the relationship between engagement and political institutions by using the example of the creation and development of the ombudsman institution. The article starts with the short introduction to key theoretical views about institutions, political institutions and institutionalization. Then, I concentrate on how political institutions change, i.e. whether they can be changed through social engagement and whether and when we can actually say that they are originally created by an engagement. By using the case of ombudsman, I explore if political institutions can engage themselves and under what conditions, that is, whether are institutions characterized by in-built permanent reflexivity possible.
AB  - U ovom radu se na primeru nastanka i razvoja institucije ombudsmana propituje veza izme-đu angažmana i političkih institucija. Tekst započinjem kratkim osvrtom na glavna teorijska viđenja institucija, političkih institucija i institucionalizacije. Potom se koncentrišem na to kako se političke institucije menjaju, da bi fokus potom bio usmeren na to da li se one mogu menjati društvenim angažmanom, te da li se i kada može smatrati da političke institucije na-staju angažmanom. S tim u vezi, korišćenjem primera ombudsmana proveravam da li i pod kojim uslovima političke institucije i same mogu biti angažovane, odnosno da li su moguće institucije kojima je svojstvena kontinuirana refleksivnost spram sopstvenih normi delanja.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society
T1  - Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman
T1  - Angažman i političke institucije: slučaj ombudsmana
IS  - 4
VL  - 30
SP  - 493
EP  - 508
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2019",
abstract = "In this article, I examine the relationship between engagement and political institutions by using the example of the creation and development of the ombudsman institution. The article starts with the short introduction to key theoretical views about institutions, political institutions and institutionalization. Then, I concentrate on how political institutions change, i.e. whether they can be changed through social engagement and whether and when we can actually say that they are originally created by an engagement. By using the case of ombudsman, I explore if political institutions can engage themselves and under what conditions, that is, whether are institutions characterized by in-built permanent reflexivity possible., U ovom radu se na primeru nastanka i razvoja institucije ombudsmana propituje veza izme-đu angažmana i političkih institucija. Tekst započinjem kratkim osvrtom na glavna teorijska viđenja institucija, političkih institucija i institucionalizacije. Potom se koncentrišem na to kako se političke institucije menjaju, da bi fokus potom bio usmeren na to da li se one mogu menjati društvenim angažmanom, te da li se i kada može smatrati da političke institucije na-staju angažmanom. S tim u vezi, korišćenjem primera ombudsmana proveravam da li i pod kojim uslovima političke institucije i same mogu biti angažovane, odnosno da li su moguće institucije kojima je svojstvena kontinuirana refleksivnost spram sopstvenih normi delanja.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society",
title = "Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman, Angažman i političke institucije: slučaj ombudsmana",
number = "4",
volume = "30",
pages = "493-508",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047"
}

Glušac, L.. (2019). Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman. in Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 30(4), 493-508.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047

Glušac L. Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman. in Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society. 2019;30(4):493-508.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047 .

Glušac, Luka, "Engagement and political institutions: the case of ombudsman" in Filozofija i društvo/Philosophy and Society, 30, no. 4 (2019):493-508,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2047 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2217
AB  - The work of parliament and ombudsman is of critical importance for democracy and the rule of law. Still, the relationship between these two institutions is considerably under-researched. This paper aims to contribute to filling this research gap by presenting a set of key criteria for the assessment of their relationship. These are applied in the analysis of the Serbian Parliament’s actions towards the
Ombudsman in the first ten years of operations of this new institution in the Serbian legal and political system on the national level (2007–2016). Results show that the Parliament did not build consistent, predictable and efficient relations with the Ombudsman yet. Instead of being a supreme protector of
the Ombudsman’s independence and its strongest ally in the protection and promotion of human rights, Parliament developed a practice of hampering the Ombudsman’s work. The results may serve as an indicator of the state of democratisation of Serbia, as well as for assessing the level of the Parliament’s institutional maturity. Outside the Serbian context, this study can be a useful source for comparative purposes, given the importance of this issue for all parliamentary ombudsmen, particularly those that are
also national human rights institutions (NHRIs).
PB  - Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group
T2  - International Journal of Human Rights
T1  - Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016)
IS  - 4
VL  - 23
SP  - 531
EP  - 554
DO  - 10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The work of parliament and ombudsman is of critical importance for democracy and the rule of law. Still, the relationship between these two institutions is considerably under-researched. This paper aims to contribute to filling this research gap by presenting a set of key criteria for the assessment of their relationship. These are applied in the analysis of the Serbian Parliament’s actions towards the
Ombudsman in the first ten years of operations of this new institution in the Serbian legal and political system on the national level (2007–2016). Results show that the Parliament did not build consistent, predictable and efficient relations with the Ombudsman yet. Instead of being a supreme protector of
the Ombudsman’s independence and its strongest ally in the protection and promotion of human rights, Parliament developed a practice of hampering the Ombudsman’s work. The results may serve as an indicator of the state of democratisation of Serbia, as well as for assessing the level of the Parliament’s institutional maturity. Outside the Serbian context, this study can be a useful source for comparative purposes, given the importance of this issue for all parliamentary ombudsmen, particularly those that are
also national human rights institutions (NHRIs).",
publisher = "Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group",
journal = "International Journal of Human Rights",
title = "Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016)",
number = "4",
volume = "23",
pages = "531-554",
doi = "10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400"
}

Glušac, L.. (2019). Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016). in International Journal of Human Rights
Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group., 23(4), 531-554.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400

Glušac L. Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016). in International Journal of Human Rights. 2019;23(4):531-554.
doi:10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400 .

Glušac, Luka, "Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016)" in International Journal of Human Rights, 23, no. 4 (2019):531-554,
https://doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2018.1513400 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2214
AB  - This paper explores the role of national human rights institutions (NHRIs) in Post-Legislative Scrutiny (PLS), a topic which has been notably neglected in existing literature. The present research demonstrates that (1) legislative review is actually part of NHRIs’ mandate, and (2) the applicable international standards (e.g. Belgrade and Paris Principles) provide for their actorness in all stages of legislative process. Main hypothesis is that NHRIs have already been conducting activities most relevant for PLS, even though they have not often been labelled as such by parliaments or scholars. In other words, we argue that their de facto role in PLS has already been well established through their practice, despite the lack of de jure recognition by parliamentary procedures. We support this thesis by providing empirical evidence from national practices to show NHRIs’ relevance for PLS of both primary and secondary legislation. The central part of this paper concentrates on the potential of NHRIs to act as (1) triggers for PLS, and (2) stakeholders in PLS that has already been initiated. The paper concludes with a summary of the results, lessons learned, their theoretical and practical implications and the avenues for further research.
PB  - Eleven Publishing
T2  - European Journal of Law Reform
T1  - The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny
IS  - 2
VL  - 21
SP  - 154
EP  - 168
DO  - 10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This paper explores the role of national human rights institutions (NHRIs) in Post-Legislative Scrutiny (PLS), a topic which has been notably neglected in existing literature. The present research demonstrates that (1) legislative review is actually part of NHRIs’ mandate, and (2) the applicable international standards (e.g. Belgrade and Paris Principles) provide for their actorness in all stages of legislative process. Main hypothesis is that NHRIs have already been conducting activities most relevant for PLS, even though they have not often been labelled as such by parliaments or scholars. In other words, we argue that their de facto role in PLS has already been well established through their practice, despite the lack of de jure recognition by parliamentary procedures. We support this thesis by providing empirical evidence from national practices to show NHRIs’ relevance for PLS of both primary and secondary legislation. The central part of this paper concentrates on the potential of NHRIs to act as (1) triggers for PLS, and (2) stakeholders in PLS that has already been initiated. The paper concludes with a summary of the results, lessons learned, their theoretical and practical implications and the avenues for further research.",
publisher = "Eleven Publishing",
journal = "European Journal of Law Reform",
title = "The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny",
number = "2",
volume = "21",
pages = "154-168",
doi = "10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006"
}

Glušac, L.. (2019). The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny. in European Journal of Law Reform
Eleven Publishing., 21(2), 154-168.
https://doi.org/10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006

Glušac L. The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny. in European Journal of Law Reform. 2019;21(2):154-168.
doi:10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006 .

Glušac, Luka, "The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Post-Legislative Scrutiny" in European Journal of Law Reform, 21, no. 2 (2019):154-168,
https://doi.org/10.5553/EJLR/138723702019021002006 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2220
AB  - International intelligence sharing has boosted in the last twenty years or so, particularly after terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Already established intelligence cooperation agreements, bilateral and multilateral, have entered into a new phase, resulting in a vast amount of intelligence shared, including the information on their own citizens communicated by national agencies both among themselves, and with their foreign counterparts. Some of those intelligence cooperation agreements are formal, constituting legal instruments, but an important number of them has actually been informal, based upon the common understanding between heads of the national intelligence services or other state officials. When intelligence exchange is based on informal international cooperation, rooted only in a scarce and usually outdated national legislation, then there are no legal safeguards for the citizens, who are essentially the targets of such exchange. In other words, these practices have had many human rights implications. While there is a considerable body of literature on intelligence sharing per se, its human rights aspects remain largely neglected. Hence, our aim is to map the preconditions for an effective oversight of international intelligence sharing, concentrating on the external oversight that should be designed to guarantee a legally sound exchange of intelligence with foreign partners.
PB  - University of Belgrade - Faculty of Security Studies
C3  - The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security
T1  - International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight
SP  - 83
EP  - 88
DO  - 10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2018",
abstract = "International intelligence sharing has boosted in the last twenty years or so, particularly after terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Already established intelligence cooperation agreements, bilateral and multilateral, have entered into a new phase, resulting in a vast amount of intelligence shared, including the information on their own citizens communicated by national agencies both among themselves, and with their foreign counterparts. Some of those intelligence cooperation agreements are formal, constituting legal instruments, but an important number of them has actually been informal, based upon the common understanding between heads of the national intelligence services or other state officials. When intelligence exchange is based on informal international cooperation, rooted only in a scarce and usually outdated national legislation, then there are no legal safeguards for the citizens, who are essentially the targets of such exchange. In other words, these practices have had many human rights implications. While there is a considerable body of literature on intelligence sharing per se, its human rights aspects remain largely neglected. Hence, our aim is to map the preconditions for an effective oversight of international intelligence sharing, concentrating on the external oversight that should be designed to guarantee a legally sound exchange of intelligence with foreign partners.",
publisher = "University of Belgrade - Faculty of Security Studies",
journal = "The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security",
title = "International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight",
pages = "83-88",
doi = "10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9"
}

Glušac, L.. (2018). International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight. in The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security
University of Belgrade - Faculty of Security Studies., 83-88.
https://doi.org/10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9

Glušac L. International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight. in The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security. 2018;:83-88.
doi:10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9 .

Glušac, Luka, "International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight" in The Proceedings of the 4th International Academic Conference on Human Security (2018):83-88,
https://doi.org/10.18485/fb_ic4hs.2018.9 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2216
AB  - In the last twenty years, independent national institutions mandated to protect and promote human rights (NHRIs) have changed the global human rights architecture, positioning themselves as indispensable interlocutors when discussing states’ human rights records. Nevertheless, despite having a broad mandate, comparative experiences have shown that NHRIs rarely exploit the possibility to oversee the security sector. Academic literature on NHRIs also provides little information on their role in oversight of the security sector in general, let alone the security services. That is surprising, considering that actions of the security services may interfere with human rights in unparalleled way, as they are authorized to use special measures to penetrate deep into the private lives of citizens. This article seeks to contribute to the mainstreaming of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight by further exploring their unique mandate, added value and comparative advantages. It shows that the specific nature of the NHRI makes this institution well placed to make a substantial contribution to effective protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens affected by activities of the security services. We start with positioning NHRIs in the security sector and defining their general role in it. We then offer a comparative overview of powers and practices of NHRIs and lay down preconditions for NHRIs’ effective actorness in security sector oversight. We then move to a case study of the Serbian 
 Ombudsman, as a practical exemplar of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight. We conclude with an overview of the results, their practical implications and the avenues for further research.
PB  - Oxford University Press
T2  - Journal of Human Rights Practice
T1  - National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services
IS  - 1
VL  - 10
SP  - 58
EP  - 82
DO  - 10.1093/jhuman/huy002
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2018",
abstract = "In the last twenty years, independent national institutions mandated to protect and promote human rights (NHRIs) have changed the global human rights architecture, positioning themselves as indispensable interlocutors when discussing states’ human rights records. Nevertheless, despite having a broad mandate, comparative experiences have shown that NHRIs rarely exploit the possibility to oversee the security sector. Academic literature on NHRIs also provides little information on their role in oversight of the security sector in general, let alone the security services. That is surprising, considering that actions of the security services may interfere with human rights in unparalleled way, as they are authorized to use special measures to penetrate deep into the private lives of citizens. This article seeks to contribute to the mainstreaming of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight by further exploring their unique mandate, added value and comparative advantages. It shows that the specific nature of the NHRI makes this institution well placed to make a substantial contribution to effective protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens affected by activities of the security services. We start with positioning NHRIs in the security sector and defining their general role in it. We then offer a comparative overview of powers and practices of NHRIs and lay down preconditions for NHRIs’ effective actorness in security sector oversight. We then move to a case study of the Serbian 
 Ombudsman, as a practical exemplar of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight. We conclude with an overview of the results, their practical implications and the avenues for further research.",
publisher = "Oxford University Press",
journal = "Journal of Human Rights Practice",
title = "National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services",
number = "1",
volume = "10",
pages = "58-82",
doi = "10.1093/jhuman/huy002"
}

Glušac, L.. (2018). National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services. in Journal of Human Rights Practice
Oxford University Press., 10(1), 58-82.
https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huy002

Glušac L. National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services. in Journal of Human Rights Practice. 2018;10(1):58-82.
doi:10.1093/jhuman/huy002 .

Glušac, Luka, "National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services" in Journal of Human Rights Practice, 10, no. 1 (2018):58-82,
https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huy002 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Glušac, Luka
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2215
AB  - Traditionally, the literature has recognised the role of public libraries in the promotion of human rights, through their efforts in making information accessible to anyone, irrespective of their personal circumstances. At the same time, scholars have largely overlooked their potential in the protection of human rights. This article shows that libraries can make an important contribution to the protection function, by using the example of cooperation between the National Ombudsman of Serbia and 15 local public libraries in smaller municipalities. The research is framed within the Orchestration theory, recently developed by Abbott and others. We demonstrate that the relationship between the Ombudsman and local libraries can successfully be analysed with O-I-T framework, where the Ombudsman (Orchestrator) enlists local libraries (Intermediary) to become more accessible to citizens (Target), providing them with an easier way to communicate their human rights concerns and lodge a complaint with this key human rights remedy mechanism, by using the video communication software installed in local libraries. The results of this research could serve to inspire similar studies exploring the application of the Orchestration theory on the complex multi-actor human rights dynamics from a global perspective to national and local environments. While this research was inspired by the Serbian experience, its key policy implication is that innovative cooperation between a national human rights institution (NHRI) and local libraries is perfectly applicable to other states as well. The design of the project implemented in Serbia can be copied successfully worldwide, as it is not based on complicated infrastructural or institutional changes, but on creative and cost-effective idea.
PB  - SAGE
T2  - Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights
T1  - Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries
IS  - 2
VL  - 36
SP  - 133
EP  - 151
DO  - 10.1177/0924051918772968
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Glušac, Luka",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Traditionally, the literature has recognised the role of public libraries in the promotion of human rights, through their efforts in making information accessible to anyone, irrespective of their personal circumstances. At the same time, scholars have largely overlooked their potential in the protection of human rights. This article shows that libraries can make an important contribution to the protection function, by using the example of cooperation between the National Ombudsman of Serbia and 15 local public libraries in smaller municipalities. The research is framed within the Orchestration theory, recently developed by Abbott and others. We demonstrate that the relationship between the Ombudsman and local libraries can successfully be analysed with O-I-T framework, where the Ombudsman (Orchestrator) enlists local libraries (Intermediary) to become more accessible to citizens (Target), providing them with an easier way to communicate their human rights concerns and lodge a complaint with this key human rights remedy mechanism, by using the video communication software installed in local libraries. The results of this research could serve to inspire similar studies exploring the application of the Orchestration theory on the complex multi-actor human rights dynamics from a global perspective to national and local environments. While this research was inspired by the Serbian experience, its key policy implication is that innovative cooperation between a national human rights institution (NHRI) and local libraries is perfectly applicable to other states as well. The design of the project implemented in Serbia can be copied successfully worldwide, as it is not based on complicated infrastructural or institutional changes, but on creative and cost-effective idea.",
publisher = "SAGE",
journal = "Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights",
title = "Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries",
number = "2",
volume = "36",
pages = "133-151",
doi = "10.1177/0924051918772968"
}

Glušac, L.. (2018). Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries. in Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights
SAGE., 36(2), 133-151.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0924051918772968

Glušac L. Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries. in Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights. 2018;36(2):133-151.
doi:10.1177/0924051918772968 .

Glušac, Luka, "Local Public Libraries as Human Rights Intermediaries" in Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights, 36, no. 2 (2018):133-151,
https://doi.org/10.1177/0924051918772968 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Глушац, Лука
PY  - 2017
UR  - 351.941, 339.923:061.1EU
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2224
AB  - U radu se predstavljaju mesto i uloga Zaštitnika građana, kao nezavisnog kontrolnog organa ustavnog ranga, u procesu pristupanja Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji, s posebnim akcentom na poglavlja 23 i 24. Specifičnosti ovog organa kao ovlašćenog predlagača zakona prikazane su kroz njegovu ulogu u pripremi Nacionalnog programa za usvajanje pravnih tekovina EU (NPAA). Autor ukazuje na to da, budući da u poglavljima 23 i 24 akcenat nije na pravnim tekovinama EU, već na dokazivanju da pravna država i vladavina prava zaista „žive”, uloga nezavisnih kontrolnih organa naročito dolazi do izražaja. Kako se proces pristupanja Evropskoj uniji obavlja pod vođstvom izvršne vlasti, a sam proces operativno vode organi državne uprave, čiji rad Zaštitnik građana kontroliše, autor zaključuje da ovaj nezavisni organ u procesu pristupanja treba da ima ulogu kao u „svakodnevnom životu” – korektivnu i kontrolnu. Autor ističe i da je, zbog prirode procesa pristupanja, Zaštitnik građana istovremeno i subjekat i objekat pregovora.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka
T2  - Годишњак Факултета политичких наука
T1  - Место и улога Заштитника грађана (Омбудсмана) у процесу приступања Републике Србије Европској унији
IS  - 17
VL  - 11
SP  - 53
EP  - 72
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2224
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Глушац, Лука",
year = "2017",
abstract = "U radu se predstavljaju mesto i uloga Zaštitnika građana, kao nezavisnog kontrolnog organa ustavnog ranga, u procesu pristupanja Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji, s posebnim akcentom na poglavlja 23 i 24. Specifičnosti ovog organa kao ovlašćenog predlagača zakona prikazane su kroz njegovu ulogu u pripremi Nacionalnog programa za usvajanje pravnih tekovina EU (NPAA). Autor ukazuje na to da, budući da u poglavljima 23 i 24 akcenat nije na pravnim tekovinama EU, već na dokazivanju da pravna država i vladavina prava zaista „žive”, uloga nezavisnih kontrolnih organa naročito dolazi do izražaja. Kako se proces pristupanja Evropskoj uniji obavlja pod vođstvom izvršne vlasti, a sam proces operativno vode organi državne uprave, čiji rad Zaštitnik građana kontroliše, autor zaključuje da ovaj nezavisni organ u procesu pristupanja treba da ima ulogu kao u „svakodnevnom životu” – korektivnu i kontrolnu. Autor ističe i da je, zbog prirode procesa pristupanja, Zaštitnik građana istovremeno i subjekat i objekat pregovora.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Годишњак Факултета политичких наука",
title = "Место и улога Заштитника грађана (Омбудсмана) у процесу приступања Републике Србије Европској унији",
number = "17",
volume = "11",
pages = "53-72",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2224"
}

Глушац, Л.. (2017). Место и улога Заштитника грађана (Омбудсмана) у процесу приступања Републике Србије Европској унији. in Годишњак Факултета политичких наука
Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka., 11(17), 53-72.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2224

Глушац Л. Место и улога Заштитника грађана (Омбудсмана) у процесу приступања Републике Србије Европској унији. in Годишњак Факултета политичких наука. 2017;11(17):53-72.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2224 .

Глушац, Лука, "Место и улога Заштитника грађана (Омбудсмана) у процесу приступања Републике Србије Европској унији" in Годишњак Факултета политичких наука, 11, no. 17 (2017):53-72,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2224 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Глушац, Лука
PY  - 2016
UR  - 341.1/.8:341.24
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2226
AB  - У раду се разматра делегирање овлашћења у међународним односима, кроз примену П-А (принципал-агент) теоријског приступа, где су државе - појединачни, вишеструки или колективни - принципали, а међународна тела агенти. Аутор представља одговор П-А приступа на питање зашто државе делегирају овлашћења међународним телима, који су услови потребни за успешну делегацију, односно на који начин државе контролишу међународна тела као своје агенте.
PB  - Култура – Полис Нови Сад; Институт за европске студије Београд
T2  - Култура полиса
T1  - Делегација у међународним односима: принципал-агент приступ
IS  - 30
SP  - 259
EP  - 272
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2226
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Глушац, Лука",
year = "2016",
abstract = "У раду се разматра делегирање овлашћења у међународним односима, кроз примену П-А (принципал-агент) теоријског приступа, где су државе - појединачни, вишеструки или колективни - принципали, а међународна тела агенти. Аутор представља одговор П-А приступа на питање зашто државе делегирају овлашћења међународним телима, који су услови потребни за успешну делегацију, односно на који начин државе контролишу међународна тела као своје агенте.",
publisher = "Култура – Полис Нови Сад; Институт за европске студије Београд",
journal = "Култура полиса",
title = "Делегација у међународним односима: принципал-агент приступ",
number = "30",
pages = "259-272",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2226"
}

Глушац, Л.. (2016). Делегација у међународним односима: принципал-агент приступ. in Култура полиса
Култура – Полис Нови Сад; Институт за европске студије Београд.(30), 259-272.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2226

Глушац Л. Делегација у међународним односима: принципал-агент приступ. in Култура полиса. 2016;(30):259-272.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2226 .

Глушац, Лука, "Делегација у међународним односима: принципал-агент приступ" in Култура полиса, no. 30 (2016):259-272,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2226 .