Gužvica, Stefan

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orcid::0000-0003-0120-9300
  • Gužvica, Stefan (9)
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Author's Bibliography

Contested Meanings of Migration Facilitation: Emigration Agents, Coyotes, Rescuers, and Human Traffickers

Gužvica, Stefan

(German Historical Institute, 2022)

TY  - CONF
AU  - Gužvica, Stefan
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2641
PB  - German Historical Institute
C3  - Bulletin of the German Historical Institute
T1  - Contested Meanings of Migration Facilitation: Emigration Agents, Coyotes, Rescuers, and Human Traffickers
IS  - 69
SP  - 202
EP  - 209
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2641
ER  - 
@conference{
author = "Gužvica, Stefan",
year = "2022",
publisher = "German Historical Institute",
journal = "Bulletin of the German Historical Institute",
title = "Contested Meanings of Migration Facilitation: Emigration Agents, Coyotes, Rescuers, and Human Traffickers",
number = "69",
pages = "202-209",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2641"
}
Gužvica, S.. (2022). Contested Meanings of Migration Facilitation: Emigration Agents, Coyotes, Rescuers, and Human Traffickers. in Bulletin of the German Historical Institute
German Historical Institute.(69), 202-209.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2641
Gužvica S. Contested Meanings of Migration Facilitation: Emigration Agents, Coyotes, Rescuers, and Human Traffickers. in Bulletin of the German Historical Institute. 2022;(69):202-209.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2641 .
Gužvica, Stefan, "Contested Meanings of Migration Facilitation: Emigration Agents, Coyotes, Rescuers, and Human Traffickers" in Bulletin of the German Historical Institute, no. 69 (2022):202-209,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2641 .

Jugoslavija ili Balkanska federacija? Dileme jugoslovenskih komunista u doba Oktobarske revolucije

Gužvica, Stefan

(Arhiv Srba u Hrvatskoj, 2021)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gužvica, Stefan
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2546
AB  - Do proleća 1917. godine, na teritoriji (bivšeg) Ruskog carstva našlo se nekoliko desetina hiljada ratnih zarobljenika Južnih Slovena, od kojih su se mnogi direktno uključili u revolucionarna događanja započeta padom monarhije u februaru. Nakon Oktobarske revolucije, hiljade Bugara, Hrvata, Slovenaca i Srba borile su se na strani boljševika. Od 1918. godine, imali su svoju Južnoslovensku komunističku grupu pri Boljševičkoj partiji, kao i novine Svetska revolucija. Grupa se, međutim, brzo sukobila po pitanju ustrojstva posleratnog projekta. Jedni su se zalagali za stvaranje Jugoslavije kao države Južnih Slovena, dok su drugi smatrali da buduća socijalistička država treba biti Balkanska federacija, stari projekat balkanske socijaldemokratije. Ovo neslaganje dovelo je u konačnici do odvajanja Bugara iz Južnoslovenske komunističke grupe. Iako pitanje buduće radničke federacije na Balkanu nije razrešeno čak ni formiranjem Komunističke internacionale, ova zaboravljena rana debata između tada vodećih južnoslovenskih komunista bila je uvod u kasnije marksističke rasprave o nacionalnom pitanju u Bugarskoj i Kraljevini SHS. Analiza ovih projekata otvara pitanja o prijemu boljševičkih ideja među Južnim Slovenima, kontinuitetu i diskontinuitetu marksističke misli među balkanskim socijalistima pre i posle 1917. godine, kao i o razvoju koncepta lenjinističkog prava na samoopredeljenje u kontekstu političke situacije na Balkanu u posleratnom periodu.
PB  - Arhiv Srba u Hrvatskoj
T2  - Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme
T1  - Jugoslavija ili Balkanska federacija? Dileme jugoslovenskih komunista u doba Oktobarske revolucije
IS  - 1
VL  - 4
SP  - 102
EP  - 133
DO  - 10.52328/t.4.1.3.
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gužvica, Stefan",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Do proleća 1917. godine, na teritoriji (bivšeg) Ruskog carstva našlo se nekoliko desetina hiljada ratnih zarobljenika Južnih Slovena, od kojih su se mnogi direktno uključili u revolucionarna događanja započeta padom monarhije u februaru. Nakon Oktobarske revolucije, hiljade Bugara, Hrvata, Slovenaca i Srba borile su se na strani boljševika. Od 1918. godine, imali su svoju Južnoslovensku komunističku grupu pri Boljševičkoj partiji, kao i novine Svetska revolucija. Grupa se, međutim, brzo sukobila po pitanju ustrojstva posleratnog projekta. Jedni su se zalagali za stvaranje Jugoslavije kao države Južnih Slovena, dok su drugi smatrali da buduća socijalistička država treba biti Balkanska federacija, stari projekat balkanske socijaldemokratije. Ovo neslaganje dovelo je u konačnici do odvajanja Bugara iz Južnoslovenske komunističke grupe. Iako pitanje buduće radničke federacije na Balkanu nije razrešeno čak ni formiranjem Komunističke internacionale, ova zaboravljena rana debata između tada vodećih južnoslovenskih komunista bila je uvod u kasnije marksističke rasprave o nacionalnom pitanju u Bugarskoj i Kraljevini SHS. Analiza ovih projekata otvara pitanja o prijemu boljševičkih ideja među Južnim Slovenima, kontinuitetu i diskontinuitetu marksističke misli među balkanskim socijalistima pre i posle 1917. godine, kao i o razvoju koncepta lenjinističkog prava na samoopredeljenje u kontekstu političke situacije na Balkanu u posleratnom periodu.",
publisher = "Arhiv Srba u Hrvatskoj",
journal = "Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme",
title = "Jugoslavija ili Balkanska federacija? Dileme jugoslovenskih komunista u doba Oktobarske revolucije",
number = "1",
volume = "4",
pages = "102-133",
doi = "10.52328/t.4.1.3."
}
Gužvica, S.. (2021). Jugoslavija ili Balkanska federacija? Dileme jugoslovenskih komunista u doba Oktobarske revolucije. in Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme
Arhiv Srba u Hrvatskoj., 4(1), 102-133.
https://doi.org/10.52328/t.4.1.3.
Gužvica S. Jugoslavija ili Balkanska federacija? Dileme jugoslovenskih komunista u doba Oktobarske revolucije. in Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme. 2021;4(1):102-133.
doi:10.52328/t.4.1.3. .
Gužvica, Stefan, "Jugoslavija ili Balkanska federacija? Dileme jugoslovenskih komunista u doba Oktobarske revolucije" in Tragovi: časopis za srpske i hrvatske teme, 4, no. 1 (2021):102-133,
https://doi.org/10.52328/t.4.1.3. . .

L’antifascisme et les fronts populaires de Yougoslavie. Le chemin vers le pouvoir, 1935–1945

Gužvica, Stefan; Mladenović, Ivica

(La Découverte, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gužvica, Stefan
AU  - Mladenović, Ivica
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2547
AB  - Le parcours antifasciste du Parti communiste de Yougoslavie (KPJ) a été une importante source d’inspiration pour la gauche mondiale dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Bien qu’issues du Komintern (3e Internationale communiste) et des besoins de la politique étrangère soviétique, les tactiques du Front populaire à la yougoslave ont attiré l’attention y compris de celles et ceux qui ne regardaient pas favorablement l’URSS, ou plus largement le communisme, comme le FLN algérien ou l’Organisation de libération de la Palestine (OLP). Cela s’applique également à toutes les organisations européennes liées aux traditions théoriques ayant renoncé au stalinisme, comme le trotskysme ou le communisme de gauche, et qui rejettent le Front populaire comme une politique de compromis de classe. Selon elles, le Front populaire est une forme de collaboration des ouvrier·ères et des paysan·nes avec la bourgeoisie qui a produit un fiasco en France et en Espagne, où le mouvement communiste se serait comporté de manière « défensive » et « opportuniste ».
Or, le cas du KPJ illustre le fait que le Front populaire a connu en réalité de multiples incarnations divergentes en tant que programme politique – c’est pourquoi nous en parlons au pluriel. Contrairement donc aux fronts populaires en Espagne et en France, le KPJ s’est imposé et a joué un rôle de premier plan au sein de la coalition avec la bourgeoisie, assurant le contrôle du mouvement antifasciste et l’orientant vers une politique anticapitaliste révolutionnaire…
PB  - La Découverte
T2  - Mouvements
T1  - L’antifascisme et les fronts populaires de Yougoslavie. Le chemin vers le pouvoir, 1935–1945
IS  - 104
VL  - 4
DO  - 10.3917/mov.104.0058
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gužvica, Stefan and Mladenović, Ivica",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Le parcours antifasciste du Parti communiste de Yougoslavie (KPJ) a été une importante source d’inspiration pour la gauche mondiale dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Bien qu’issues du Komintern (3e Internationale communiste) et des besoins de la politique étrangère soviétique, les tactiques du Front populaire à la yougoslave ont attiré l’attention y compris de celles et ceux qui ne regardaient pas favorablement l’URSS, ou plus largement le communisme, comme le FLN algérien ou l’Organisation de libération de la Palestine (OLP). Cela s’applique également à toutes les organisations européennes liées aux traditions théoriques ayant renoncé au stalinisme, comme le trotskysme ou le communisme de gauche, et qui rejettent le Front populaire comme une politique de compromis de classe. Selon elles, le Front populaire est une forme de collaboration des ouvrier·ères et des paysan·nes avec la bourgeoisie qui a produit un fiasco en France et en Espagne, où le mouvement communiste se serait comporté de manière « défensive » et « opportuniste ».
Or, le cas du KPJ illustre le fait que le Front populaire a connu en réalité de multiples incarnations divergentes en tant que programme politique – c’est pourquoi nous en parlons au pluriel. Contrairement donc aux fronts populaires en Espagne et en France, le KPJ s’est imposé et a joué un rôle de premier plan au sein de la coalition avec la bourgeoisie, assurant le contrôle du mouvement antifasciste et l’orientant vers une politique anticapitaliste révolutionnaire…",
publisher = "La Découverte",
journal = "Mouvements",
title = "L’antifascisme et les fronts populaires de Yougoslavie. Le chemin vers le pouvoir, 1935–1945",
number = "104",
volume = "4",
doi = "10.3917/mov.104.0058"
}
Gužvica, S.,& Mladenović, I.. (2020). L’antifascisme et les fronts populaires de Yougoslavie. Le chemin vers le pouvoir, 1935–1945. in Mouvements
La Découverte., 4(104).
https://doi.org/10.3917/mov.104.0058
Gužvica S, Mladenović I. L’antifascisme et les fronts populaires de Yougoslavie. Le chemin vers le pouvoir, 1935–1945. in Mouvements. 2020;4(104).
doi:10.3917/mov.104.0058 .
Gužvica, Stefan, Mladenović, Ivica, "L’antifascisme et les fronts populaires de Yougoslavie. Le chemin vers le pouvoir, 1935–1945" in Mouvements, 4, no. 104 (2020),
https://doi.org/10.3917/mov.104.0058 . .

Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State

Gužvica, Stefan

(Beograd: Institut za savremenu istoriju, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gužvica, Stefan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2571
AB  - This article will examine the course of the factional struggle between Yugoslav communists that developed behind the frontlines of Spain in 1938 and investigate the involvement of foreign communists in their dispute. I will attempt to contextualize the struggles inside the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) within broader power dynamics of the Comintern during the Great Purge, in order to gain a better understanding of both the KPJ and the Comintern as a whole in this period. The main organizer of the Yugoslav volunteers for the cause of the Spanish Republic, the KPJ, found itself in one of the most turbulent periods of its history at this particular time. In August 1937, its general secretary was arrested in Moscow and charged with espionage. The news of the arrest soon reached the volunteers in Spain, and many of them became engulfed in the emergent factional conflict, while struggling to make sense of the situation based on fragmentary information from abroad.
PB  - Beograd: Institut za savremenu istoriju
T2  - Istorija 20. veka
T1  - Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State
IS  - 1
VL  - 37
SP  - 53
EP  - 74
DO  - 10.29362/ist20veka.2019.1.guz.53-74
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gužvica, Stefan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This article will examine the course of the factional struggle between Yugoslav communists that developed behind the frontlines of Spain in 1938 and investigate the involvement of foreign communists in their dispute. I will attempt to contextualize the struggles inside the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) within broader power dynamics of the Comintern during the Great Purge, in order to gain a better understanding of both the KPJ and the Comintern as a whole in this period. The main organizer of the Yugoslav volunteers for the cause of the Spanish Republic, the KPJ, found itself in one of the most turbulent periods of its history at this particular time. In August 1937, its general secretary was arrested in Moscow and charged with espionage. The news of the arrest soon reached the volunteers in Spain, and many of them became engulfed in the emergent factional conflict, while struggling to make sense of the situation based on fragmentary information from abroad.",
publisher = "Beograd: Institut za savremenu istoriju",
journal = "Istorija 20. veka",
title = "Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State",
number = "1",
volume = "37",
pages = "53-74",
doi = "10.29362/ist20veka.2019.1.guz.53-74"
}
Gužvica, S.. (2019). Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State. in Istorija 20. veka
Beograd: Institut za savremenu istoriju., 37(1), 53-74.
https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2019.1.guz.53-74
Gužvica S. Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State. in Istorija 20. veka. 2019;37(1):53-74.
doi:10.29362/ist20veka.2019.1.guz.53-74 .
Gužvica, Stefan, "Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State" in Istorija 20. veka, 37, no. 1 (2019):53-74,
https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2019.1.guz.53-74 . .

Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State

Gužvica, Stefan

(Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gužvica, Stefan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2570
AB  - This article examines the activity of Yugoslav communist émigrés in Czechoslovakia between 1928 and 1938. Prague was a major center of communist activity and most prominent members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had spent a significant amount of time there in the interwar period. By looking at their political actions at the time and their subsequent reflections on it, the author argues that a qualitative difference exists between the subsequent political development of those who became communists during the so-called “Third Period” of the Comintern (1928–1934), and those who were radicalized during the Popular Front era (1934–1939). The Generation of the Third Period was more conservative and more loyal to Stalinism, whereas the Generation of the Popular Front led the reform process in socialist Yugoslavia after the war.
PB  - Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko
T2  - Acta Histriae
T1  - Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State
IS  - 1
VL  - 27
SP  - 35
EP  - 54
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2570
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gužvica, Stefan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This article examines the activity of Yugoslav communist émigrés in Czechoslovakia between 1928 and 1938. Prague was a major center of communist activity and most prominent members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had spent a significant amount of time there in the interwar period. By looking at their political actions at the time and their subsequent reflections on it, the author argues that a qualitative difference exists between the subsequent political development of those who became communists during the so-called “Third Period” of the Comintern (1928–1934), and those who were radicalized during the Popular Front era (1934–1939). The Generation of the Third Period was more conservative and more loyal to Stalinism, whereas the Generation of the Popular Front led the reform process in socialist Yugoslavia after the war.",
publisher = "Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko",
journal = "Acta Histriae",
title = "Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State",
number = "1",
volume = "27",
pages = "35-54",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2570"
}
Gužvica, S.. (2019). Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State. in Acta Histriae
Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko., 27(1), 35-54.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2570
Gužvica S. Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State. in Acta Histriae. 2019;27(1):35-54.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2570 .
Gužvica, Stefan, "Retrospective Lessons and Generational Gaps: The Impact of Yugoslav Communist Émigrés in Interwar Czechoslovakia on the Postwar Yugoslav State" in Acta Histriae, 27, no. 1 (2019):35-54,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2570 .

Kamilo Horvatin: Zaboravljeni kandidat za generalnog sekretara Komunističke partije Jugoslavije

Gužvica, Stefan

(Društvo za hrvatsku povjesnicu, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gužvica, Stefan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2569
AB  - Članak je prilog malo poznatom, ali ključnom periodu u povijesti Komunističke partije Jugoslavije. Predmet istraživanja je Kamilo Horvatin, koji je nakon hapšenja Milana Gorkića u kolovozu 1937. bio kandidat za generalnog sekretara KPJ, mnogo prije nego što je Kominterna počela razmatrati druge komuniste, poput Josipa Broza Tita, Labuda Kusovca, Ive Marića ili Petka Miletića. Članak prikazuje politički razvoj Horvatina, njegov položaj u Kominterni, kao i njegovu dvostruku aktivnost od ljeta 1937. do proljeća 1938. godine – kao denuncijatora i kandidata za rukovodstvo. Članak će pomoći ne samo razjašnjavanju sudbine jednog zaboravljenog aktera u KPJ tokom Velike čistke, nego i razumijevanju mehanizama Kominterne, odnosno načina na koji su jugoslavenski komunisti potkazivani i, još značajnije, kako se i po kojim kriterijima odvijao proces pronalaženja novog generalnog sekretara nakon hapšenja Gorkića. Stoga ovo nije priča samo o Kamilu Horvatinu, nego o KPJ kao cjelini u jednom od najvažnijih momenata u njenoj povijesti – razdoblju koje je kulminiralo dolaskom Josipa Broza Tita na čelo partije.
AB  - This article deals with the hitherto unknown story of Kamilo Horvatin as a candidate for the
position of the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) in 1937-1938.
A veteran communist, Horvatin worked as a party representative to the Comintern at the time
when the General Secretary of the party, Milan Gorkić, was arrested by the NKVD in August
1937. For the next six months, under the patronage of Wilhelm Pieck, Horvatin became the
only trustworthy Yugoslav communist in the eyes of the Comintern. That was long before
any of his rivals, such as Josip Broz Tito or Petko Miletić, were considered for the leadership
position.
Horvatin was both a denouncer of his fellow party comrades and a leadership candidate
with constructive proposals on how to renew the work of the KPJ. He was the first person
within the KPJ to suggest that traitors and police agents might infiltrate to the top party positions, and he distrusted all the other leading communists. Simultaneously, he juxtaposed his
own vision of the Popular Front – in which the KPJ played a leading role on the anti-fascist
left – with the earlier design of Gorkić, which Horvatin claimed resulted in the communists’
submission to the bourgeois opposition. Horvatin also hoped to move the party leadership
back to Yugoslavia, as it had been scattered around Europe due to police repression. Finally, he
wanted to rely on union leaders within the party to form a new leadership, picking cadres who
had previously belonged to the “left” faction in the KPJ.
Most of Horvatin’s policy proposals were later put into action by Josip Broz Tito, although
evidence shows that the two did not have any mutual contact at the time. Horvatin, previously
close to Tito, began to see him as another potential spy from Gorkić’s inner circle, and wrote
very negatively of him. Unlike Horvatin, Tito was a worker rather than an intellectual, and was
largely untainted by factional disputes among Yugoslav émigrés in Moscow. This helps partially
explain why Tito survived and went on to become the new general secretary, while Horvatin
was arrested in February 1938 and shot a month later.
This article helps us understand not only the forgotten life story of a particular Yugoslav
communist, but the broader dynamics of repression and politics within the KPJ in this period.
Rather than micromanaging Yugoslav party affairs, the Comintern expected the Yugoslavs to
sort out their problems independently. The general directives and the final word came from
the Comintern, but the members of the KPJ were not to be mere passive observers – they
were expected to come up with constructive policy proposals. Those who offered a clear vision
for the future, first Horvatin and then Tito, eventually managed to gain the attention of the
Comintern.
PB  - Društvo za hrvatsku povjesnicu
T2  - Historijski zbornik
T1  - Kamilo Horvatin: Zaboravljeni kandidat za generalnog sekretara Komunističke partije Jugoslavije
T1  - Kamilo Horvatin: A Forgotten Candidate for General Secretary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
IS  - 1
VL  - 72
SP  - 139
EP  - 164
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2569
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gužvica, Stefan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Članak je prilog malo poznatom, ali ključnom periodu u povijesti Komunističke partije Jugoslavije. Predmet istraživanja je Kamilo Horvatin, koji je nakon hapšenja Milana Gorkića u kolovozu 1937. bio kandidat za generalnog sekretara KPJ, mnogo prije nego što je Kominterna počela razmatrati druge komuniste, poput Josipa Broza Tita, Labuda Kusovca, Ive Marića ili Petka Miletića. Članak prikazuje politički razvoj Horvatina, njegov položaj u Kominterni, kao i njegovu dvostruku aktivnost od ljeta 1937. do proljeća 1938. godine – kao denuncijatora i kandidata za rukovodstvo. Članak će pomoći ne samo razjašnjavanju sudbine jednog zaboravljenog aktera u KPJ tokom Velike čistke, nego i razumijevanju mehanizama Kominterne, odnosno načina na koji su jugoslavenski komunisti potkazivani i, još značajnije, kako se i po kojim kriterijima odvijao proces pronalaženja novog generalnog sekretara nakon hapšenja Gorkića. Stoga ovo nije priča samo o Kamilu Horvatinu, nego o KPJ kao cjelini u jednom od najvažnijih momenata u njenoj povijesti – razdoblju koje je kulminiralo dolaskom Josipa Broza Tita na čelo partije., This article deals with the hitherto unknown story of Kamilo Horvatin as a candidate for the
position of the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) in 1937-1938.
A veteran communist, Horvatin worked as a party representative to the Comintern at the time
when the General Secretary of the party, Milan Gorkić, was arrested by the NKVD in August
1937. For the next six months, under the patronage of Wilhelm Pieck, Horvatin became the
only trustworthy Yugoslav communist in the eyes of the Comintern. That was long before
any of his rivals, such as Josip Broz Tito or Petko Miletić, were considered for the leadership
position.
Horvatin was both a denouncer of his fellow party comrades and a leadership candidate
with constructive proposals on how to renew the work of the KPJ. He was the first person
within the KPJ to suggest that traitors and police agents might infiltrate to the top party positions, and he distrusted all the other leading communists. Simultaneously, he juxtaposed his
own vision of the Popular Front – in which the KPJ played a leading role on the anti-fascist
left – with the earlier design of Gorkić, which Horvatin claimed resulted in the communists’
submission to the bourgeois opposition. Horvatin also hoped to move the party leadership
back to Yugoslavia, as it had been scattered around Europe due to police repression. Finally, he
wanted to rely on union leaders within the party to form a new leadership, picking cadres who
had previously belonged to the “left” faction in the KPJ.
Most of Horvatin’s policy proposals were later put into action by Josip Broz Tito, although
evidence shows that the two did not have any mutual contact at the time. Horvatin, previously
close to Tito, began to see him as another potential spy from Gorkić’s inner circle, and wrote
very negatively of him. Unlike Horvatin, Tito was a worker rather than an intellectual, and was
largely untainted by factional disputes among Yugoslav émigrés in Moscow. This helps partially
explain why Tito survived and went on to become the new general secretary, while Horvatin
was arrested in February 1938 and shot a month later.
This article helps us understand not only the forgotten life story of a particular Yugoslav
communist, but the broader dynamics of repression and politics within the KPJ in this period.
Rather than micromanaging Yugoslav party affairs, the Comintern expected the Yugoslavs to
sort out their problems independently. The general directives and the final word came from
the Comintern, but the members of the KPJ were not to be mere passive observers – they
were expected to come up with constructive policy proposals. Those who offered a clear vision
for the future, first Horvatin and then Tito, eventually managed to gain the attention of the
Comintern.",
publisher = "Društvo za hrvatsku povjesnicu",
journal = "Historijski zbornik",
title = "Kamilo Horvatin: Zaboravljeni kandidat za generalnog sekretara Komunističke partije Jugoslavije, Kamilo Horvatin: A Forgotten Candidate for General Secretary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia",
number = "1",
volume = "72",
pages = "139-164",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2569"
}
Gužvica, S.. (2019). Kamilo Horvatin: Zaboravljeni kandidat za generalnog sekretara Komunističke partije Jugoslavije. in Historijski zbornik
Društvo za hrvatsku povjesnicu., 72(1), 139-164.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2569
Gužvica S. Kamilo Horvatin: Zaboravljeni kandidat za generalnog sekretara Komunističke partije Jugoslavije. in Historijski zbornik. 2019;72(1):139-164.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2569 .
Gužvica, Stefan, "Kamilo Horvatin: Zaboravljeni kandidat za generalnog sekretara Komunističke partije Jugoslavije" in Historijski zbornik, 72, no. 1 (2019):139-164,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2569 .

Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part I)

Gužvica, Stefan

(Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gužvica, Stefan
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2574
AB  - This work deals with the previously under-researched topic of the Yugoslav communist student émigrés in Prague in the interwar period who would go on to become the political and intellectual elite of socialist Yugoslavia in the post-World War II era. Drawing primarily on sources from the National Archive in Prague and the Archive of Yugoslavia in Belgrade, as well as memoirs of the movement’s participants, this paper attempts to retrace their political activities and intellectual development through a period in which Comintern policy changed frequently, forcing the young communists to adapt to a constantly changing political climate. The first part of the article examines their attempts to take over the legal organizations of Yugoslav students in Prague, as well as their cooperation with the non-communist left which occurred in spite of Comintern’s ultra-left policies in the period between 1928 and 1935. This twofold strategy helped them to ultimately gain the upper hand in their frequent confrontations with the representatives of the Yugoslav Legation in Prague.
PB  - Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic
T2  - Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review
T1  - Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part I)
IS  - 1
VL  - 103
SP  - 65
EP  - 103
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2574
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gužvica, Stefan",
year = "2017",
abstract = "This work deals with the previously under-researched topic of the Yugoslav communist student émigrés in Prague in the interwar period who would go on to become the political and intellectual elite of socialist Yugoslavia in the post-World War II era. Drawing primarily on sources from the National Archive in Prague and the Archive of Yugoslavia in Belgrade, as well as memoirs of the movement’s participants, this paper attempts to retrace their political activities and intellectual development through a period in which Comintern policy changed frequently, forcing the young communists to adapt to a constantly changing political climate. The first part of the article examines their attempts to take over the legal organizations of Yugoslav students in Prague, as well as their cooperation with the non-communist left which occurred in spite of Comintern’s ultra-left policies in the period between 1928 and 1935. This twofold strategy helped them to ultimately gain the upper hand in their frequent confrontations with the representatives of the Yugoslav Legation in Prague.",
publisher = "Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic",
journal = "Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review",
title = "Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part I)",
number = "1",
volume = "103",
pages = "65-103",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2574"
}
Gužvica, S.. (2017). Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part I). in Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review
Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic., 103(1), 65-103.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2574
Gužvica S. Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part I). in Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review. 2017;103(1):65-103.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2574 .
Gužvica, Stefan, "Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part I)" in Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review, 103, no. 1 (2017):65-103,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2574 .

Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part II)

Gužvica, Stefan

(Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gužvica, Stefan
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2573
AB  - This second part of the article deals with the communist takeover of “Jugoslavija,” the umbrella organization of Yugoslav students in Prague, in 1935. Following their ultimate victory over the monarchists, they continued their agitation in the student dormitory, drawing in large numbers of new communist organizers and sympathizers. Soon after, however, they departed for Spain to fight in the Civil War, after which their organization effectively ceased to exist. Those who survived World War II went on to become the political elite of the new socialist state. Their subsequent writings reveal the impact of their activity in Prague on their later political and intellectual development. They show that, even though the communist students rarely questioned the tenets of Stalinism before 1948, the experience of working in a pluralist left-wing environment, as well as within an internationalist and pan-Yugoslav framework, had been an influence on their postwar efforts aimed at reforming socialism and creating a system different than the one centered in Moscow.
PB  - Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic
T2  - Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review
T1  - Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part II)
IS  - 2
VL  - 103
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2573
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gužvica, Stefan",
year = "2017",
abstract = "This second part of the article deals with the communist takeover of “Jugoslavija,” the umbrella organization of Yugoslav students in Prague, in 1935. Following their ultimate victory over the monarchists, they continued their agitation in the student dormitory, drawing in large numbers of new communist organizers and sympathizers. Soon after, however, they departed for Spain to fight in the Civil War, after which their organization effectively ceased to exist. Those who survived World War II went on to become the political elite of the new socialist state. Their subsequent writings reveal the impact of their activity in Prague on their later political and intellectual development. They show that, even though the communist students rarely questioned the tenets of Stalinism before 1948, the experience of working in a pluralist left-wing environment, as well as within an internationalist and pan-Yugoslav framework, had been an influence on their postwar efforts aimed at reforming socialism and creating a system different than the one centered in Moscow.",
publisher = "Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic",
journal = "Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review",
title = "Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part II)",
number = "2",
volume = "103",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2573"
}
Gužvica, S.. (2017). Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part II). in Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review
Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic., 103(2).
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2573
Gužvica S. Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part II). in Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review. 2017;103(2).
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2573 .
Gužvica, Stefan, "Books and Rifles: Political Activity of Yugoslav Communist Students in Prague 1927–1937 (Part II)" in Slovanský přehled/Slavonic Review, 103, no. 2 (2017),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2573 .

Lenjin na Titovom stolu: Uticaj Oktobarske Revolucije na Jugoslaviju

Gužvica, Stefan

(Kolektiv Gerusija, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gužvica, Stefan
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2572
AB  - Kada je Josip Broz Tito umro u Ljubljani 4. maja 1980. godine, na njegovom radnom stolu, u Užičkoj ulici broj 15 u Beogradu, nalazila se, između ostalog, jedna mala fotograija Lenjina u boji.1 Dok je Jugoslavija oplakivala svog vođu, arhitekta događaja bez kojeg ne bi bilo ni Jugoslovenske revolucije ostao je u istom položaju u kojem je bio tokom 35 godina Titove vladavine. Neprimetan, iza kulisa, ali prisutan kao inspiracija u Titovom političkom životu i u društvu koje je, makar deklarativno, bilo zasnovano na idejama Oktobra. Bez Oktobarske revolucije ne bi bilo ni Jugoslovenske revolucije. U Oktobarskoj revoluciji i njenom nasleđu (ili, pak, načinu na koji je to nasleđe interpretirano) ogleda se i nasleđe jugoslovenskih komunista, sa svim svojim protivrečnostima. Uspesi, ali i nedostaci jugoslovenske države, bili su posledica njenog formiranja po ugledu na Sovjetski Savez.
PB  - Kolektiv Gerusija
T2  - Stvar
T1  - Lenjin na Titovom stolu: Uticaj Oktobarske Revolucije na Jugoslaviju
IS  - 9
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2572
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gužvica, Stefan",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Kada je Josip Broz Tito umro u Ljubljani 4. maja 1980. godine, na njegovom radnom stolu, u Užičkoj ulici broj 15 u Beogradu, nalazila se, između ostalog, jedna mala fotograija Lenjina u boji.1 Dok je Jugoslavija oplakivala svog vođu, arhitekta događaja bez kojeg ne bi bilo ni Jugoslovenske revolucije ostao je u istom položaju u kojem je bio tokom 35 godina Titove vladavine. Neprimetan, iza kulisa, ali prisutan kao inspiracija u Titovom političkom životu i u društvu koje je, makar deklarativno, bilo zasnovano na idejama Oktobra. Bez Oktobarske revolucije ne bi bilo ni Jugoslovenske revolucije. U Oktobarskoj revoluciji i njenom nasleđu (ili, pak, načinu na koji je to nasleđe interpretirano) ogleda se i nasleđe jugoslovenskih komunista, sa svim svojim protivrečnostima. Uspesi, ali i nedostaci jugoslovenske države, bili su posledica njenog formiranja po ugledu na Sovjetski Savez.",
publisher = "Kolektiv Gerusija",
journal = "Stvar",
title = "Lenjin na Titovom stolu: Uticaj Oktobarske Revolucije na Jugoslaviju",
number = "9",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2572"
}
Gužvica, S.. (2017). Lenjin na Titovom stolu: Uticaj Oktobarske Revolucije na Jugoslaviju. in Stvar
Kolektiv Gerusija.(9).
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2572
Gužvica S. Lenjin na Titovom stolu: Uticaj Oktobarske Revolucije na Jugoslaviju. in Stvar. 2017;(9).
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2572 .
Gužvica, Stefan, "Lenjin na Titovom stolu: Uticaj Oktobarske Revolucije na Jugoslaviju" in Stvar, no. 9 (2017),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2572 .