TY  - CHAP
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Vasiljević, Jelena
PY  - 2024
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3794
AB  - The scholarship on ‘movement parties’ – parties originating from social movements – shows great variation among them in terms of origin, ideological profile, organizational forms and adopted strategies. Typically, they depart from participatory practices and contribute to participatory turns in politics. However, there is scant research on how movement parties maintain those principles and procedures once they enter the institutional arena. Moreover, the question of intra-party democracy (IPD) is itself rarely researched, particularly in Southeast Europe (SEE), a region dominated by authoritarian centralized parties. Therefore, this chapter aims to contribute to the growing literature on party movements by focusing on SEE and looking into their party movements’ internal democracy practices. We take examples of two ideologically similar democratic movement parties, MOŽEMO! (We Can) from Croatia and Zeleno-levi front (Green-Left Front) from Serbia. Both originated as bottom-up green-left movements within political settings dominated by right-wing political narratives but in differing national contexts regarding the quality of democracy. This chapter presents an analysis of MOŽEMO! and Zeleno-levi front statutory documents, focusing primarily on their articulation of participatory principles for IPD.
PB  - Routledge
T2  - Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies
T1  - Norming Participatory Practices of Movement Parties in Southeast Europe
SP  - 195
EP  - 213
DO  - 10.4324/9781003426103-13
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Fiket, Irena and Pudar Draško, Gazela and Vasiljević, Jelena",
year = "2024",
abstract = "The scholarship on ‘movement parties’ – parties originating from social movements – shows great variation among them in terms of origin, ideological profile, organizational forms and adopted strategies. Typically, they depart from participatory practices and contribute to participatory turns in politics. However, there is scant research on how movement parties maintain those principles and procedures once they enter the institutional arena. Moreover, the question of intra-party democracy (IPD) is itself rarely researched, particularly in Southeast Europe (SEE), a region dominated by authoritarian centralized parties. Therefore, this chapter aims to contribute to the growing literature on party movements by focusing on SEE and looking into their party movements’ internal democracy practices. We take examples of two ideologically similar democratic movement parties, MOŽEMO! (We Can) from Croatia and Zeleno-levi front (Green-Left Front) from Serbia. Both originated as bottom-up green-left movements within political settings dominated by right-wing political narratives but in differing national contexts regarding the quality of democracy. This chapter presents an analysis of MOŽEMO! and Zeleno-levi front statutory documents, focusing primarily on their articulation of participatory principles for IPD.",
publisher = "Routledge",
journal = "Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies",
booktitle = "Norming Participatory Practices of Movement Parties in Southeast Europe",
pages = "195-213",
doi = "10.4324/9781003426103-13"
}

Fiket, I., Pudar Draško, G.,& Vasiljević, J.. (2024). Norming Participatory Practices of Movement Parties in Southeast Europe. in Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies
Routledge., 195-213.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003426103-13

Fiket I, Pudar Draško G, Vasiljević J. Norming Participatory Practices of Movement Parties in Southeast Europe. in Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies. 2024;:195-213.
doi:10.4324/9781003426103-13 .

Fiket, Irena, Pudar Draško, Gazela, Vasiljević, Jelena, "Norming Participatory Practices of Movement Parties in Southeast Europe" in Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies (2024):195-213,
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003426103-13 . .

Fiket, I., Markov, Č., Ilić, V.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2024). Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies. 
Routledge..
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003426103

Fiket I, Markov Č, Ilić V, Pudar Draško G. Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies. 2024;:null-252.
doi:10.4324/9781003426103 .

Fiket, Irena, Markov, Čedomir, Ilić, Vujo, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies" (2024),
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003426103 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Ilić, Vujo
AU  - Markov, Čedomir
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2024
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3782
AB  - This chapter is an opening to the edited volume that critically examines the intersection of social movements, participatory governance and democratic innovations in Southeast Europe. We introduce the chapters that explore the historical experiences and the contemporary evolving landscape of democracy in the region, discussing the challenges of representative democracy, rising autocratization and the potential for democratic innovations in creating more inclusive societies. The contributors to this volume assess the connections between participatory models with civic engagement and institutional practices, shedding light on the dynamic relationship between bottom-up activism and top-down governance.
PB  - Routledge
T2  - Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies
T1  - Why Do We Need Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe?
SP  - 1
EP  - 7
DO  - 10.4324/9781003426103-1
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Fiket, Irena and Ilić, Vujo and Markov, Čedomir and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2024",
abstract = "This chapter is an opening to the edited volume that critically examines the intersection of social movements, participatory governance and democratic innovations in Southeast Europe. We introduce the chapters that explore the historical experiences and the contemporary evolving landscape of democracy in the region, discussing the challenges of representative democracy, rising autocratization and the potential for democratic innovations in creating more inclusive societies. The contributors to this volume assess the connections between participatory models with civic engagement and institutional practices, shedding light on the dynamic relationship between bottom-up activism and top-down governance.",
publisher = "Routledge",
journal = "Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies",
booktitle = "Why Do We Need Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe?",
pages = "1-7",
doi = "10.4324/9781003426103-1"
}

Fiket, I., Ilić, V., Markov, Č.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2024). Why Do We Need Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe?. in Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies
Routledge., 1-7.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003426103-1

Fiket I, Ilić V, Markov Č, Pudar Draško G. Why Do We Need Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe?. in Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies. 2024;:1-7.
doi:10.4324/9781003426103-1 .

Fiket, Irena, Ilić, Vujo, Markov, Čedomir, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Why Do We Need Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe?" in Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies (2024):1-7,
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003426103-1 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Krstić, Predrag
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3104
PB  - Budapest ; Vienna ; New York : CEU Press
T2  - Open Society Unresolved: The Contemporary Relevance of a Contested Idea
T1  - Empirical Embodiment of Critical Rationalism: Deliberative Theory and Open Society
SP  - 59
EP  - 71
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3104
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Pudar Draško, Gazela and Krstić, Predrag",
year = "2023",
publisher = "Budapest ; Vienna ; New York : CEU Press",
journal = "Open Society Unresolved: The Contemporary Relevance of a Contested Idea",
booktitle = "Empirical Embodiment of Critical Rationalism: Deliberative Theory and Open Society",
pages = "59-71",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3104"
}

Pudar Draško, G.,& Krstić, P.. (2023). Empirical Embodiment of Critical Rationalism: Deliberative Theory and Open Society. in Open Society Unresolved: The Contemporary Relevance of a Contested Idea
Budapest ; Vienna ; New York : CEU Press., 59-71.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3104

Pudar Draško G, Krstić P. Empirical Embodiment of Critical Rationalism: Deliberative Theory and Open Society. in Open Society Unresolved: The Contemporary Relevance of a Contested Idea. 2023;:59-71.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3104 .

Pudar Draško, Gazela, Krstić, Predrag, "Empirical Embodiment of Critical Rationalism: Deliberative Theory and Open Society" in Open Society Unresolved: The Contemporary Relevance of a Contested Idea (2023):59-71,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3104 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Urošević, Milan
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3642
AB  - In this article, Fiket, Pudar Draško and Uroševic situate the notion of
‘anti-politics’ within a broader theory of ‘cultures of rejection’, redefining it as a
specific culture of rejection in the political sphere. They describe the lack of
participation of Serbian citizens in political life, their lack of trust in political
actors, institutions, democratic procedures and, in the end, in democracy itself.
They show how political elites constantly demonstrate the impotence of
institutions through various examples of ‘institutional silence’, which leads to the
further rejection of political engagement. The authors’ aim was to show that
rejection of politics is a concept that offers an adequate theoretical framework for
our empirical analyses and deeper understanding of the social phenomena
reflected in the withdrawal from political life. They present the data from
their qualitative research, based on interviews with the retail and logistics workers
in Serbia as well as an ethnographic study of digital spaces that those workers
often visit, where politics and culture meet in the discursive practices of everyday life.
PB  - Taylor&Francis
T2  - Patterns of Prejudice
T1  - Anti-politics as ‘culture of rejection’: the case of Serbia
IS  - 4-5
VL  - 56
SP  - 279
EP  - 296
DO  - 10.1080/0031322X.2023.2228575
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Fiket, Irena and Pudar Draško, Gazela and Urošević, Milan",
year = "2023",
abstract = "In this article, Fiket, Pudar Draško and Uroševic situate the notion of
‘anti-politics’ within a broader theory of ‘cultures of rejection’, redefining it as a
specific culture of rejection in the political sphere. They describe the lack of
participation of Serbian citizens in political life, their lack of trust in political
actors, institutions, democratic procedures and, in the end, in democracy itself.
They show how political elites constantly demonstrate the impotence of
institutions through various examples of ‘institutional silence’, which leads to the
further rejection of political engagement. The authors’ aim was to show that
rejection of politics is a concept that offers an adequate theoretical framework for
our empirical analyses and deeper understanding of the social phenomena
reflected in the withdrawal from political life. They present the data from
their qualitative research, based on interviews with the retail and logistics workers
in Serbia as well as an ethnographic study of digital spaces that those workers
often visit, where politics and culture meet in the discursive practices of everyday life.",
publisher = "Taylor&Francis",
journal = "Patterns of Prejudice",
title = "Anti-politics as ‘culture of rejection’: the case of Serbia",
number = "4-5",
volume = "56",
pages = "279-296",
doi = "10.1080/0031322X.2023.2228575"
}

Fiket, I., Pudar Draško, G.,& Urošević, M.. (2023). Anti-politics as ‘culture of rejection’: the case of Serbia. in Patterns of Prejudice
Taylor&Francis., 56(4-5), 279-296.
https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2023.2228575

Fiket I, Pudar Draško G, Urošević M. Anti-politics as ‘culture of rejection’: the case of Serbia. in Patterns of Prejudice. 2023;56(4-5):279-296.
doi:10.1080/0031322X.2023.2228575 .

Fiket, Irena, Pudar Draško, Gazela, Urošević, Milan, "Anti-politics as ‘culture of rejection’: the case of Serbia" in Patterns of Prejudice, 56, no. 4-5 (2023):279-296,
https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2023.2228575 . .

Zarić, Z.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2023). Refusing to Be Silent. Engaged Conversations With Leading Intellectuals. 
Mimesis International..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3556

Zarić Z, Pudar Draško G. Refusing to Be Silent. Engaged Conversations With Leading Intellectuals. 2023;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3556 .

Zarić, Zona, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Refusing to Be Silent. Engaged Conversations With Leading Intellectuals" (2023),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3556 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3749
AB  - Pitanje (dez)angažmana intelektualaca u društveno-poli tičkom životu jedno je od komplikovanih, kompleksnih i kontroverznih pitanja društvenih nauka. Predstava da je intelektualac zdušno angažovan u okvirima građanskog društva kao i da ima opozicioni stav prema moći postojećeg po retka, od velikog je uticaja u društvenim naukama. U tekstu ću se baviti anga žmanom srpskih intelektualaca u postpetooktobarskom periodu, njihovim di lemama i preprekama koje percipiraju u odnosu na svoj angažman u društveno političkom životu Srbije. Na kraju ću se osvrnuti na nedostatak deliberacije intelektualaca u polarizovanom društvu Srbije.
PB  - Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti
C3  - Intelektualci, juče i danas
T1  - O nedostatku deliberacije intelektualne elite u postpetooktobarskoj Srbiji
SP  - 147
EP  - 166
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3749
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Pitanje (dez)angažmana intelektualaca u društveno-poli tičkom životu jedno je od komplikovanih, kompleksnih i kontroverznih pitanja društvenih nauka. Predstava da je intelektualac zdušno angažovan u okvirima građanskog društva kao i da ima opozicioni stav prema moći postojećeg po retka, od velikog je uticaja u društvenim naukama. U tekstu ću se baviti anga žmanom srpskih intelektualaca u postpetooktobarskom periodu, njihovim di lemama i preprekama koje percipiraju u odnosu na svoj angažman u društveno političkom životu Srbije. Na kraju ću se osvrnuti na nedostatak deliberacije intelektualaca u polarizovanom društvu Srbije.",
publisher = "Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti",
journal = "Intelektualci, juče i danas",
title = "O nedostatku deliberacije intelektualne elite u postpetooktobarskoj Srbiji",
pages = "147-166",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3749"
}

Pudar Draško, G.. (2023). O nedostatku deliberacije intelektualne elite u postpetooktobarskoj Srbiji. in Intelektualci, juče i danas
Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti., 147-166.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3749

Pudar Draško G. O nedostatku deliberacije intelektualne elite u postpetooktobarskoj Srbiji. in Intelektualci, juče i danas. 2023;:147-166.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3749 .

Pudar Draško, Gazela, "O nedostatku deliberacije intelektualne elite u postpetooktobarskoj Srbiji" in Intelektualci, juče i danas (2023):147-166,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3749 .

TY  - RPRT
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Ilić, Vujo
AU  - Markov, Čedomir
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3073
AB  - Efforts to institutionalize deliberative institutions are almost absent in Serbia and other Western Balkan countries. On the other hand, the growing lack of interest of European societies’ citizens in participating in political life through traditional instruments of representative democracy has caused a renewed concern in the EU and its member states for the promotion and encouragement of deliberative institutions (Reuchamps, Suiter 2016). This has resulted in democratic engineering inspired by the principles of participatory and deliberative conceptions of democracy. Democratic experimentation along these lines, observed in many EU countries, gave rise to the promotion and institutionalization of deliberative institutions (town meetings, citizen assemblies, neighborhood councils, citizen juries, participatory budgets, etc.). However, democratizing effects of deliberation have been a matter of intense political and academic debate for over 20 years. Still, with a few exceptions,
most deliberative institutions were implemented in stable democracies.
While deliberative institutions and other participatory democratic innovations are generally less known in Serbia and the region, there has been a trend of citizen mobilization in the form of social movements and local civic initiatives, which are both a symptom of unresponsive and more openly authoritarian institutions and the potential pathway to democratization (Fiket, Pudar Draško 2021). The pace and scope of these developments in the undemocratic societies of the Western Balkan region, in terms of both bottom-up and top-down democratic experimentation, call for a deeper understanding of their internal dynamics and their social and political impact as both individual cases and parts of a greater cycle of social movement mobilizations and institutional experimentation.

Responding to this need, the research team gathered within the framework of the Jean Monnet network “Active citizenship: promoting and advancing innovative democratic practices in the Western Balkans,” led by the Institute for Philosophy and social theory, University of Belgrade, organized two deliberative mini-publics (DMPs) within an hybrid institutional setting, including in the design of DMPs perspective of social movements and civic initiatives. The aim was to strengthen dialogue between different perspectives, approaches, and fields around deliberative and participatory forms of democracy in an undemocratic environment. This project was carried out in cooperation with the European
Jean Monnet Network ACT WB - Active Citizenship in the Western Balkans, coordinated by the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory of the University of Belgrade (IFDT), together with four more European universities and the Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence. The planning and implementation of DMPs took place through the cooperation of the Scientific Committee, comprising the following members: Irena Fiket (IFDT), Ana Đorđević (IFDT), Biljana
Đorđević (Faculty of Political Science), Ivana Janković (Faculty of Philosophy), Gazela Pudar Draško (IFDT), Jelena Vasiljević (IFDT), and the Executive Organization Committee (Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence and MASMI).
This handbook aims to present the findings of the research done within this JM network.
PB  - Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Univerzitet u Beogradu
T1  - How to Run a Deliberative Mini-Public in a Hybrid Regime
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3073
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Fiket, Irena and Ilić, Vujo and Markov, Čedomir and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Efforts to institutionalize deliberative institutions are almost absent in Serbia and other Western Balkan countries. On the other hand, the growing lack of interest of European societies’ citizens in participating in political life through traditional instruments of representative democracy has caused a renewed concern in the EU and its member states for the promotion and encouragement of deliberative institutions (Reuchamps, Suiter 2016). This has resulted in democratic engineering inspired by the principles of participatory and deliberative conceptions of democracy. Democratic experimentation along these lines, observed in many EU countries, gave rise to the promotion and institutionalization of deliberative institutions (town meetings, citizen assemblies, neighborhood councils, citizen juries, participatory budgets, etc.). However, democratizing effects of deliberation have been a matter of intense political and academic debate for over 20 years. Still, with a few exceptions,
most deliberative institutions were implemented in stable democracies.
While deliberative institutions and other participatory democratic innovations are generally less known in Serbia and the region, there has been a trend of citizen mobilization in the form of social movements and local civic initiatives, which are both a symptom of unresponsive and more openly authoritarian institutions and the potential pathway to democratization (Fiket, Pudar Draško 2021). The pace and scope of these developments in the undemocratic societies of the Western Balkan region, in terms of both bottom-up and top-down democratic experimentation, call for a deeper understanding of their internal dynamics and their social and political impact as both individual cases and parts of a greater cycle of social movement mobilizations and institutional experimentation.

Responding to this need, the research team gathered within the framework of the Jean Monnet network “Active citizenship: promoting and advancing innovative democratic practices in the Western Balkans,” led by the Institute for Philosophy and social theory, University of Belgrade, organized two deliberative mini-publics (DMPs) within an hybrid institutional setting, including in the design of DMPs perspective of social movements and civic initiatives. The aim was to strengthen dialogue between different perspectives, approaches, and fields around deliberative and participatory forms of democracy in an undemocratic environment. This project was carried out in cooperation with the European
Jean Monnet Network ACT WB - Active Citizenship in the Western Balkans, coordinated by the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory of the University of Belgrade (IFDT), together with four more European universities and the Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence. The planning and implementation of DMPs took place through the cooperation of the Scientific Committee, comprising the following members: Irena Fiket (IFDT), Ana Đorđević (IFDT), Biljana
Đorđević (Faculty of Political Science), Ivana Janković (Faculty of Philosophy), Gazela Pudar Draško (IFDT), Jelena Vasiljević (IFDT), and the Executive Organization Committee (Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence and MASMI).
This handbook aims to present the findings of the research done within this JM network.",
publisher = "Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Univerzitet u Beogradu",
title = "How to Run a Deliberative Mini-Public in a Hybrid Regime",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3073"
}

Fiket, I., Ilić, V., Markov, Č.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2023). How to Run a Deliberative Mini-Public in a Hybrid Regime. 
Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Univerzitet u Beogradu..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3073

Fiket I, Ilić V, Markov Č, Pudar Draško G. How to Run a Deliberative Mini-Public in a Hybrid Regime. 2023;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3073 .

Fiket, Irena, Ilić, Vujo, Markov, Čedomir, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "How to Run a Deliberative Mini-Public in a Hybrid Regime" (2023),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3073 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Ilić, Vujo
PY  - 2023
UR  - https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14683857.2023.2170720
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2788
AB  - In this article, taking Serbia as a case study, we address the issue of how social movements in illiberal democracies adapted to the effects of the pandemic and the governmental responses. We show that, contrary to expectations, these social movements have intensified their activities and visibility and adapted their agenda during the crisis. Our research studies two movements dealing with socio-economic issues – the right to housing and the right to food as particularly active during pandemics. While the pandemic further constrained the possibility for collective action, these social movements have quickly shifted their priorities towards solidarity with the most vulnerable groups, engaged directly with citizens, and pragmatically approached the polarized media environment, mobilizing broad public support. This finding indicates that social movements in illiberal democracies can exhibit resilience and adaptability to rapidly changing circumstances, even though questions about their sustainability and the attainability of their goals persist.
PB  - Routledge
T2  - Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
T1  - The Pandemic in Illiberal Democracies: Challenges and Opportunities for Social Movements in Serbia
SP  - 1
EP  - 22
DO  - 10.1080/14683857.2023.2170720
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Fiket, Irena and Pudar Draško, Gazela and Ilić, Vujo",
year = "2023",
abstract = "In this article, taking Serbia as a case study, we address the issue of how social movements in illiberal democracies adapted to the effects of the pandemic and the governmental responses. We show that, contrary to expectations, these social movements have intensified their activities and visibility and adapted their agenda during the crisis. Our research studies two movements dealing with socio-economic issues – the right to housing and the right to food as particularly active during pandemics. While the pandemic further constrained the possibility for collective action, these social movements have quickly shifted their priorities towards solidarity with the most vulnerable groups, engaged directly with citizens, and pragmatically approached the polarized media environment, mobilizing broad public support. This finding indicates that social movements in illiberal democracies can exhibit resilience and adaptability to rapidly changing circumstances, even though questions about their sustainability and the attainability of their goals persist.",
publisher = "Routledge",
journal = "Southeast European and Black Sea Studies",
title = "The Pandemic in Illiberal Democracies: Challenges and Opportunities for Social Movements in Serbia",
pages = "1-22",
doi = "10.1080/14683857.2023.2170720"
}

Fiket, I., Pudar Draško, G.,& Ilić, V.. (2023). The Pandemic in Illiberal Democracies: Challenges and Opportunities for Social Movements in Serbia. in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Routledge., 1-22.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2170720

Fiket I, Pudar Draško G, Ilić V. The Pandemic in Illiberal Democracies: Challenges and Opportunities for Social Movements in Serbia. in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies. 2023;:1-22.
doi:10.1080/14683857.2023.2170720 .

Fiket, Irena, Pudar Draško, Gazela, Ilić, Vujo, "The Pandemic in Illiberal Democracies: Challenges and Opportunities for Social Movements in Serbia" in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies (2023):1-22,
https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2170720 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bojanić, Petar
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2529
AB  - Speaking of the institution of the police in his famous 1921 text “Zur Kritik
der Gewalt” (“Toward the Critique of Violence”), Walter Benjamin gives two
very important characteristics of police violence.1 The first and fundamental
characteristic is that the police are always connected to violence but that the
police’s role within the state is difficult to pinpoint, given that the police
constitute an “institution of the modern State” (Benjamin 1986: 286–87).
Our intention in this text is to show that police violence is a consequence of
a deformation of the institution of police or a deformation of violence.
PB  - New York: Lexington Books
T2  - Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination
T1  - The Police: Instituting Violence
SP  - 157
EP  - 170
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2529
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Bojanić, Petar and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Speaking of the institution of the police in his famous 1921 text “Zur Kritik
der Gewalt” (“Toward the Critique of Violence”), Walter Benjamin gives two
very important characteristics of police violence.1 The first and fundamental
characteristic is that the police are always connected to violence but that the
police’s role within the state is difficult to pinpoint, given that the police
constitute an “institution of the modern State” (Benjamin 1986: 286–87).
Our intention in this text is to show that police violence is a consequence of
a deformation of the institution of police or a deformation of violence.",
publisher = "New York: Lexington Books",
journal = "Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination",
booktitle = "The Police: Instituting Violence",
pages = "157-170",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2529"
}

Bojanić, P.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2022). The Police: Instituting Violence. in Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination
New York: Lexington Books., 157-170.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2529

Bojanić P, Pudar Draško G. The Police: Instituting Violence. in Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination. 2022;:157-170.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2529 .

Bojanić, Petar, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "The Police: Instituting Violence" in Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination (2022):157-170,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2529 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Ivković, Marjan
AU  - Zaharijević, Adriana
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3575
AB  - Addressing the relationship among social critique, violence, and domination, Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination examines a critique of violent and unjust social arrangements that transcends the Enlightenment/postmodern opposition. This critique surpasses the “reflexive violence” of classical enlightenment universalism without committing the “violence of reflexivity” by negating any possibility of collective radical social engagement. The unifying thread of the collection, edited by Marjan Ivković, Adriana Zaharijević, and Gazela Pudar-Draško, is a sensitivity to the field of tension created by these extremes, especially for the issue of how to articulate a non-violent critique that is nevertheless “militant,” in the sense that it creates a rupture in an institutionalized order of violence. In Part One, the contributors examine the theoretical resources that help us move beyond the reflexive violence of the classical Enlightenment social critique in our quest for justice and non-domination. Part Two brings together nuanced attempts to reconsider the dominant modern understandings of violence, subjectivity, and society without succumbing to the violence of reflexivity that characterizes radically anti-Enlightenment standpoints.
PB  - Lexington Books
T2  - Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination
T1  - Introduction
SP  - 1
EP  - 13
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3575
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Ivković, Marjan and Zaharijević, Adriana and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Addressing the relationship among social critique, violence, and domination, Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination examines a critique of violent and unjust social arrangements that transcends the Enlightenment/postmodern opposition. This critique surpasses the “reflexive violence” of classical enlightenment universalism without committing the “violence of reflexivity” by negating any possibility of collective radical social engagement. The unifying thread of the collection, edited by Marjan Ivković, Adriana Zaharijević, and Gazela Pudar-Draško, is a sensitivity to the field of tension created by these extremes, especially for the issue of how to articulate a non-violent critique that is nevertheless “militant,” in the sense that it creates a rupture in an institutionalized order of violence. In Part One, the contributors examine the theoretical resources that help us move beyond the reflexive violence of the classical Enlightenment social critique in our quest for justice and non-domination. Part Two brings together nuanced attempts to reconsider the dominant modern understandings of violence, subjectivity, and society without succumbing to the violence of reflexivity that characterizes radically anti-Enlightenment standpoints.",
publisher = "Lexington Books",
journal = "Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination",
booktitle = "Introduction",
pages = "1-13",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3575"
}

Ivković, M., Zaharijević, A.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2022). Introduction. in Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination
Lexington Books., 1-13.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3575

Ivković M, Zaharijević A, Pudar Draško G. Introduction. in Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination. 2022;:1-13.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3575 .

Ivković, Marjan, Zaharijević, Adriana, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Introduction" in Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination (2022):1-13,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3575 .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Marjan, Ivković
AU  - Zaharijević, Adriana
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2557
AB  - Addressing the relationship among social critique, violence, and domination, Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination examines a critique of violent and unjust social arrangements that transcends the Enlightenment/postmodern opposition. This critique surpasses the “reflexive violence” of classical enlightenment universalism without committing the “violence of reflexivity” by negating any possibility of collective radical social engagement. The unifying thread of the collection, edited by Marjan Ivković, Adriana Zaharijević, and Gazela Pudar-Draško, is a sensitivity to the field of tension created by these extremes, especially for the issue of how to articulate a non-violent critique that is nevertheless “militant,” in the sense that it creates a rupture in an institutionalized order of violence. In Part One, the contributors examine the theoretical resources that help us move beyond the reflexive violence of the classical Enlightenment social critique in our quest for justice and non-domination. Part Two brings together nuanced attempts to reconsider the dominant modern understandings of violence, subjectivity, and society without succumbing to the violence of reflexivity that characterizes radically anti-Enlightenment standpoints.
PB  - Lexington Books
T1  - Violence and Reflexivity The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2557
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Marjan, Ivković and Zaharijević, Adriana and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Addressing the relationship among social critique, violence, and domination, Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination examines a critique of violent and unjust social arrangements that transcends the Enlightenment/postmodern opposition. This critique surpasses the “reflexive violence” of classical enlightenment universalism without committing the “violence of reflexivity” by negating any possibility of collective radical social engagement. The unifying thread of the collection, edited by Marjan Ivković, Adriana Zaharijević, and Gazela Pudar-Draško, is a sensitivity to the field of tension created by these extremes, especially for the issue of how to articulate a non-violent critique that is nevertheless “militant,” in the sense that it creates a rupture in an institutionalized order of violence. In Part One, the contributors examine the theoretical resources that help us move beyond the reflexive violence of the classical Enlightenment social critique in our quest for justice and non-domination. Part Two brings together nuanced attempts to reconsider the dominant modern understandings of violence, subjectivity, and society without succumbing to the violence of reflexivity that characterizes radically anti-Enlightenment standpoints.",
publisher = "Lexington Books",
title = "Violence and Reflexivity The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2557"
}

Marjan, I., Zaharijević, A.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2022). Violence and Reflexivity The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination. 
Lexington Books..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2557

Marjan I, Zaharijević A, Pudar Draško G. Violence and Reflexivity The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination. 2022;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2557 .

Marjan, Ivković, Zaharijević, Adriana, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Violence and Reflexivity The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination" (2022),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2557 .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Zarić, Zona
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2522
AB  - Misao je povezana sa događajem kao krug sa svojim centrom – naglašava Hana Arent (Hannah Arendt) na samom početku Krize kulture – i ako se od njega odvoji, rizikuje da izgubi svoj značaj. Misao živi na međi prošlosti i budućnosti, tražeći sopstveni smisao u istoriji. Čin mišljenja je neodvojiv od svakodnevnih suočavanja sa svetom. Gajeći čuđenje i dostupnost prema događajima, misao se više ne svodi isključivo na stvaranje novih ideja, već ima i novi zahtev – da identifikuje značajne događaje
našeg vremena, omogući da ih bolje razumemo i tako izoštri uvid u stvarnost koja nas okružuje.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T1  - Angažovane reči
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2522
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Zarić, Zona and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Misao je povezana sa događajem kao krug sa svojim centrom – naglašava Hana Arent (Hannah Arendt) na samom početku Krize kulture – i ako se od njega odvoji, rizikuje da izgubi svoj značaj. Misao živi na međi prošlosti i budućnosti, tražeći sopstveni smisao u istoriji. Čin mišljenja je neodvojiv od svakodnevnih suočavanja sa svetom. Gajeći čuđenje i dostupnost prema događajima, misao se više ne svodi isključivo na stvaranje novih ideja, već ima i novi zahtev – da identifikuje značajne događaje
našeg vremena, omogući da ih bolje razumemo i tako izoštri uvid u stvarnost koja nas okružuje.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
title = "Angažovane reči",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2522"
}

Zarić, Z.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2022). Angažovane reči. 
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2522

Zarić Z, Pudar Draško G. Angažovane reči. 2022;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2522 .

Zarić, Zona, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Angažovane reči" (2022),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2522 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Vasiljevic, Jelena
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Fiket, Irena
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://ifdt.bg.ac.rs/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/Democracy-KONF-program.pdf
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2804
PB  - Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
C3  - International Conference Revitalizing democracy through participatory democratic innovations. ACT.WB Jean Monnet Network Final Conference, Belgrade, 16-18. May.
T1  - Social Movements and Internal Democracy
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2804
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Vasiljevic, Jelena and Pudar Draško, Gazela and Fiket, Irena",
year = "2022",
publisher = "Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "International Conference Revitalizing democracy through participatory democratic innovations. ACT.WB Jean Monnet Network Final Conference, Belgrade, 16-18. May.",
title = "Social Movements and Internal Democracy",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2804"
}

Vasiljevic, J., Pudar Draško, G.,& Fiket, I.. (2022). Social Movements and Internal Democracy. in International Conference Revitalizing democracy through participatory democratic innovations. ACT.WB Jean Monnet Network Final Conference, Belgrade, 16-18. May.
Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2804

Vasiljevic J, Pudar Draško G, Fiket I. Social Movements and Internal Democracy. in International Conference Revitalizing democracy through participatory democratic innovations. ACT.WB Jean Monnet Network Final Conference, Belgrade, 16-18. May.. 2022;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2804 .

Vasiljevic, Jelena, Pudar Draško, Gazela, Fiket, Irena, "Social Movements and Internal Democracy" in International Conference Revitalizing democracy through participatory democratic innovations. ACT.WB Jean Monnet Network Final Conference, Belgrade, 16-18. May. (2022),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2804 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Ilić, Vujo
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1432
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2533
AB  - Participation in deliberation in stable democracies produces effects which are beneficial for democracy, while the results of deliberative innovations in non-democracies are more ambiguous. This article contributes to the debate about the effects of participatory democratic innovations on attitudes, related to democratic commitments, political capacities and political participation, in the increasingly ubiquitous hybrid regimes. We present the evidence collected from the participants before and after deliberative mini publics (DMPs), held in Serbia in 2020. Serbia is an exemplary case of a recent wave of autocratization, which had led to it becoming a hybrid regime, and it had no track record of deliberative innovations. When conducting the mini publics, we introduced an innovation in the standard design, by including active citizens – representatives of local initiatives or social movements particularly interested in the issue of DMPs. We could not find evidence that the democratic innovation affected attitudes of participants regarding democratic commitments, political capacities and political participation. However, we did find that participants of the DMPs became less satisfied with the functioning of the democracy on the local level. We argue that the anti-democratic wider context of hybrid regimes can produce adverse effects when introducing participatory democratic innovations, at least when it comes to this specific dimension of political participation. We conclude with the suggestions for further research, and a call for consideration of the wider political context when designing democratic interventions in hybrid regimes.
AB  - U stabilnim demokratijama učešće u deliberaciji proizvodi efekte koji pogoduju demokratiji, dok su rezultati deliberativnih inovacija u nedemokratijama neodređeniji. Ovaj članak predstavlja doprinos debati o efektima participatornih demokratskih inovacija na stavove o privrženosti demokratiji, političkom kapacitetu i političkoj participaciji u sve prisutnijim hibridnim režimima. U radu predstavljamo rezultate ispitivanja učesnika, pre i posle njihovog učešća u deliberativnim mini javnostima (DMJ), održanih u Srbiji 2020. godine. Srbija predstavlja uzorni slučaj poslednjeg talasa autokratizacije, putem kog je postala hibridni režim, i pored toga nema razvijenu praksu deliberativnih inovacija. Prilikom sprovođenja mini-javnosti, uveli smo inovaciju u uobičajeni dizajn, tako što su uključeni i aktivni građani - predstavnici lokalnih inicijativa ili društvenih pokreta koji su bili posebno zainteresovani za temu DMJ. Naši nalazi nisu pokazali da je demokratska inovacija uticala na promenu stavova učesnika o privrženosti demokratiji, političkom kapacitetu i političkoj participaciji. Međutim, utvrdili smo da su učesnici DMJ bili manje zadovoljni funkcionisanjem demokratije na lokalnom nivou. Ovo objašnjavamo širim, anti-demokratskim kontekstom hibridnih režima, koji proizvodi neželjene efekte prilikom uvođenja demokratskih inovacija, bar kada se radi o ovim specifičnim dimenzijama političke participacije. Zaključujemo članak sa predlozima za buduća istraživanja, i preporukom da se prilikom dizajniranja demokratskih intervencija u hibridnim režimima uvaže specifičnosti šireg političkog konteksta.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?
T1  - Izneverena očekivanja: mogu li deliberativne inovacije u hibridnim režimima imati demokratske efekte?
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 50
EP  - 71
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201050F
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Fiket, Irena and Ilić, Vujo and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Participation in deliberation in stable democracies produces effects which are beneficial for democracy, while the results of deliberative innovations in non-democracies are more ambiguous. This article contributes to the debate about the effects of participatory democratic innovations on attitudes, related to democratic commitments, political capacities and political participation, in the increasingly ubiquitous hybrid regimes. We present the evidence collected from the participants before and after deliberative mini publics (DMPs), held in Serbia in 2020. Serbia is an exemplary case of a recent wave of autocratization, which had led to it becoming a hybrid regime, and it had no track record of deliberative innovations. When conducting the mini publics, we introduced an innovation in the standard design, by including active citizens – representatives of local initiatives or social movements particularly interested in the issue of DMPs. We could not find evidence that the democratic innovation affected attitudes of participants regarding democratic commitments, political capacities and political participation. However, we did find that participants of the DMPs became less satisfied with the functioning of the democracy on the local level. We argue that the anti-democratic wider context of hybrid regimes can produce adverse effects when introducing participatory democratic innovations, at least when it comes to this specific dimension of political participation. We conclude with the suggestions for further research, and a call for consideration of the wider political context when designing democratic interventions in hybrid regimes., U stabilnim demokratijama učešće u deliberaciji proizvodi efekte koji pogoduju demokratiji, dok su rezultati deliberativnih inovacija u nedemokratijama neodređeniji. Ovaj članak predstavlja doprinos debati o efektima participatornih demokratskih inovacija na stavove o privrženosti demokratiji, političkom kapacitetu i političkoj participaciji u sve prisutnijim hibridnim režimima. U radu predstavljamo rezultate ispitivanja učesnika, pre i posle njihovog učešća u deliberativnim mini javnostima (DMJ), održanih u Srbiji 2020. godine. Srbija predstavlja uzorni slučaj poslednjeg talasa autokratizacije, putem kog je postala hibridni režim, i pored toga nema razvijenu praksu deliberativnih inovacija. Prilikom sprovođenja mini-javnosti, uveli smo inovaciju u uobičajeni dizajn, tako što su uključeni i aktivni građani - predstavnici lokalnih inicijativa ili društvenih pokreta koji su bili posebno zainteresovani za temu DMJ. Naši nalazi nisu pokazali da je demokratska inovacija uticala na promenu stavova učesnika o privrženosti demokratiji, političkom kapacitetu i političkoj participaciji. Međutim, utvrdili smo da su učesnici DMJ bili manje zadovoljni funkcionisanjem demokratije na lokalnom nivou. Ovo objašnjavamo širim, anti-demokratskim kontekstom hibridnih režima, koji proizvodi neželjene efekte prilikom uvođenja demokratskih inovacija, bar kada se radi o ovim specifičnim dimenzijama političke participacije. Zaključujemo članak sa predlozima za buduća istraživanja, i preporukom da se prilikom dizajniranja demokratskih intervencija u hibridnim režimima uvaže specifičnosti šireg političkog konteksta.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?, Izneverena očekivanja: mogu li deliberativne inovacije u hibridnim režimima imati demokratske efekte?",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "50-71",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201050F"
}

Fiket, I., Ilić, V.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2022). Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 50-71.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201050F

Fiket I, Ilić V, Pudar Draško G. Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):50-71.
doi:10.2298/FID2201050F .

Fiket, Irena, Ilić, Vujo, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):50-71,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201050F . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ilić, Vujo
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2677
AB  - The 2022 elections in Serbia have not produced surprising results, nor led to changes of government at any level, with the ruling Serbian Progressive Party maintaining its dominance of Serbian politics. The elections were, however, important, as a point in which the opposition parties ended the boycott of democratic institutions and returned to the parliament. In this election analysis, we describe the political context of the elections, marked by the long-term democratic backsliding, the Covid-19 pandemic measures, the constitutional referendum, mass environmental protest mobilization, and finally the invasion of Ukraine. We explain the ways in which the institutional framework for holding elections has changed and also what has remained unchanged, and how these circumstances affected the candidates and their campaigns. We provide an overview of opinion polls before election day, as well as results of parliamentary, presidential, and Belgrade city elections, and then discuss the election outcomes. The analysis concludes with an overview of post-election political dynamics and discusses possibilities for the opposition parties after their return to the aforementioned representative bodies.
PB  - Centre for Southeast European Studies University of Graz
T2  - Contemporary Southeastern Europe
T1  - 2022 Elections in Serbia: The Return of  the Opposition?
IS  - 2
VL  - 9
SP  - 1
EP  - 14
DO  - 10.25364/02.9:2022.2.1
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Ilić, Vujo and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The 2022 elections in Serbia have not produced surprising results, nor led to changes of government at any level, with the ruling Serbian Progressive Party maintaining its dominance of Serbian politics. The elections were, however, important, as a point in which the opposition parties ended the boycott of democratic institutions and returned to the parliament. In this election analysis, we describe the political context of the elections, marked by the long-term democratic backsliding, the Covid-19 pandemic measures, the constitutional referendum, mass environmental protest mobilization, and finally the invasion of Ukraine. We explain the ways in which the institutional framework for holding elections has changed and also what has remained unchanged, and how these circumstances affected the candidates and their campaigns. We provide an overview of opinion polls before election day, as well as results of parliamentary, presidential, and Belgrade city elections, and then discuss the election outcomes. The analysis concludes with an overview of post-election political dynamics and discusses possibilities for the opposition parties after their return to the aforementioned representative bodies.",
publisher = "Centre for Southeast European Studies University of Graz",
journal = "Contemporary Southeastern Europe",
title = "2022 Elections in Serbia: The Return of  the Opposition?",
number = "2",
volume = "9",
pages = "1-14",
doi = "10.25364/02.9:2022.2.1"
}

Ilić, V.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2022). 2022 Elections in Serbia: The Return of  the Opposition?. in Contemporary Southeastern Europe
Centre for Southeast European Studies University of Graz., 9(2), 1-14.
https://doi.org/10.25364/02.9:2022.2.1

Ilić V, Pudar Draško G. 2022 Elections in Serbia: The Return of  the Opposition?. in Contemporary Southeastern Europe. 2022;9(2):1-14.
doi:10.25364/02.9:2022.2.1 .

Ilić, Vujo, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "2022 Elections in Serbia: The Return of  the Opposition?" in Contemporary Southeastern Europe, 9, no. 2 (2022):1-14,
https://doi.org/10.25364/02.9:2022.2.1 . .

Pudar Draško, G.,& Pavlović, A.. (2021). Univerzitet u Srbiji i njegova društvena odgovornost. 
Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 216.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3600

Pudar Draško G, Pavlović A. Univerzitet u Srbiji i njegova društvena odgovornost. 2021;216.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3600 .

Pudar Draško, Gazela, Pavlović, Aleksandar, "Univerzitet u Srbiji i njegova društvena odgovornost", 216 (2021),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3600 .

TY  - DATA
AU  - Cvejić, Igor
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Lošonc, Mark
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2501
AB  - Čini se da kada pristupamo temi angažmana forma rečnika, makar preliminarno, najviše odgovara. Upotreba termina „angažman“ u različitim jezicima i kontekstima danas je doživela toliku proliferaciju da mnogi autori, s pravom, izbegavaju da ga odrede jednoznačno. Angažman se prostire kroz različite sfere naše stvarnosti, od privatnih zalaganja, preko radnih mesta, ugovora, javnih nastupa i participacija u društvenom i političkom životu zajednice, do izvršenja vojničkih komandi. Na svom putu čini se da se angažman kreće između ili transcendira klasična pitanja koja bi pomogla u njegovom određenju, kao što su pitanja pasivnosti i aktivnosti, individualnog i kolektivnog, striktnih dužnosti i fleksibilnosti itd. S druge strane, za angažman kao specifičan vid aktivnosti, založenosti i upletenosti u ono čime smo angažovani ne postoji drugi odgovarajući termin koji bi objasnio ovaj fenomen, te prema tome, uprkos svoj svojoj složenosti, potreba za njegovim razumevanjem ne gubi na značaju.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T1  - Pojmovnik angažmana
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2501
ER  - 

@misc{
author = "Cvejić, Igor and Pudar Draško, Gazela and Lošonc, Mark",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Čini se da kada pristupamo temi angažmana forma rečnika, makar preliminarno, najviše odgovara. Upotreba termina „angažman“ u različitim jezicima i kontekstima danas je doživela toliku proliferaciju da mnogi autori, s pravom, izbegavaju da ga odrede jednoznačno. Angažman se prostire kroz različite sfere naše stvarnosti, od privatnih zalaganja, preko radnih mesta, ugovora, javnih nastupa i participacija u društvenom i političkom životu zajednice, do izvršenja vojničkih komandi. Na svom putu čini se da se angažman kreće između ili transcendira klasična pitanja koja bi pomogla u njegovom određenju, kao što su pitanja pasivnosti i aktivnosti, individualnog i kolektivnog, striktnih dužnosti i fleksibilnosti itd. S druge strane, za angažman kao specifičan vid aktivnosti, založenosti i upletenosti u ono čime smo angažovani ne postoji drugi odgovarajući termin koji bi objasnio ovaj fenomen, te prema tome, uprkos svoj svojoj složenosti, potreba za njegovim razumevanjem ne gubi na značaju.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
title = "Pojmovnik angažmana",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2501"
}

Cvejić, I., Pudar Draško, G.,& Lošonc, M.. (2021). Pojmovnik angažmana. 
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2501

Cvejić I, Pudar Draško G, Lošonc M. Pojmovnik angažmana. 2021;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2501 .

Cvejić, Igor, Pudar Draško, Gazela, Lošonc, Mark, "Pojmovnik angažmana" (2021),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2501 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3390
AB  - Polazeći od nalaza ranijih istraživanja čiji rezultati govore o nepoverenju građana i građanki Srbije u političke institucije i političke aktere, niskoj izlaznosti na izbore i generalnoj pasivizaciji i apatiji građanstva, autorke se bave razumevanjem vaninstitucionalne političke participacije u Srbiji. U radu se kreće od pretpostavke da navedeni indikatori koji upućuju na povlačenje građana i građanki Srbije iz političkog života ne moraju nužno predstavljati deo istog fenomena. Naime, autorke smatraju da je nužno razlikovati pretpostavke institucionalne i vaninstitucionalne građanske participacije. Sa jedne strane, autorke polaze od teze da visoko poverenje u institucije zapravo može negativno uticati na potrebu građanstva da se mobiliše kako bi ostvarili uticaj na institucije. Istovremeno, građanstvo može biti sklono učestvovanju u političkom životu kroz vaninstitucionalne kanale, ukoliko poseduje razvijen osećaj interne političke efikasnosti, koji ne mora biti u vezi sa responsivnošću političkog sistema.
PB  - Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Possibility of non-institutional political participation within the non-responsive system of Serbia: The impact of (dis)trust and internal political efficiency
SP  - 400
EP  - 418
DO  - 10.2298/SOC2102400F
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Fiket, Irena and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Polazeći od nalaza ranijih istraživanja čiji rezultati govore o nepoverenju građana i građanki Srbije u političke institucije i političke aktere, niskoj izlaznosti na izbore i generalnoj pasivizaciji i apatiji građanstva, autorke se bave razumevanjem vaninstitucionalne političke participacije u Srbiji. U radu se kreće od pretpostavke da navedeni indikatori koji upućuju na povlačenje građana i građanki Srbije iz političkog života ne moraju nužno predstavljati deo istog fenomena. Naime, autorke smatraju da je nužno razlikovati pretpostavke institucionalne i vaninstitucionalne građanske participacije. Sa jedne strane, autorke polaze od teze da visoko poverenje u institucije zapravo može negativno uticati na potrebu građanstva da se mobiliše kako bi ostvarili uticaj na institucije. Istovremeno, građanstvo može biti sklono učestvovanju u političkom životu kroz vaninstitucionalne kanale, ukoliko poseduje razvijen osećaj interne političke efikasnosti, koji ne mora biti u vezi sa responsivnošću političkog sistema.",
publisher = "Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Possibility of non-institutional political participation within the non-responsive system of Serbia: The impact of (dis)trust and internal political efficiency",
pages = "400-418",
doi = "10.2298/SOC2102400F"
}

Fiket, I.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2021). Possibility of non-institutional political participation within the non-responsive system of Serbia: The impact of (dis)trust and internal political efficiency. in Sociologija
Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije., 400-418.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2102400F

Fiket I, Pudar Draško G. Possibility of non-institutional political participation within the non-responsive system of Serbia: The impact of (dis)trust and internal political efficiency. in Sociologija. 2021;:400-418.
doi:10.2298/SOC2102400F .

Fiket, Irena, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Possibility of non-institutional political participation within the non-responsive system of Serbia: The impact of (dis)trust and internal political efficiency" in Sociologija (2021):400-418,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2102400F . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bešlin, Milivoj
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Delibašić, Balša
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2779
AB  - We address the specific, leftist dissent in socialist Yugoslavia that was centred around the Praxis intellectual school. Our aim is to show the divergent paths that strongly marked the legacy of the group’s Serbian wing. Tracing the intellectual engagement of two prominent figures that ended on completely opposite ends of the political spectrum – Mihailo Marković and Miladin Životić – we want to show that the inception of Yugoslavia’s bloody dissolution can be traced back to the very core of what could be called orthodox left dissent. We analyse the “truly leftist” politics of Mihailo Marković during the 1968 protests, which devolved into support for the police and apologia for war and nationalism in the 1990s. We compare his central intellectual role in instituting a nationalist brand of socialism in Serbia to the public engagement of Miladin Životić, whose marginalization stands as reminder of those who dared to oppose the dominant nationalist narratives and offered a vision of life together
PB  - Praha: Filosofický ústav Akademie věd ČR, v. v. i.
T2  - Contradictions: A Journal for Critical Thought
T1  - Aporias and contradictions of the (post-)Yugoslav left: orthodoxy in a praxis way
IS  - 2
VL  - 5
SP  - 107
EP  - 120
DO  - 10.46957/con.2021.2.6
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Bešlin, Milivoj and Pudar Draško, Gazela and Delibašić, Balša",
year = "2021",
abstract = "We address the specific, leftist dissent in socialist Yugoslavia that was centred around the Praxis intellectual school. Our aim is to show the divergent paths that strongly marked the legacy of the group’s Serbian wing. Tracing the intellectual engagement of two prominent figures that ended on completely opposite ends of the political spectrum – Mihailo Marković and Miladin Životić – we want to show that the inception of Yugoslavia’s bloody dissolution can be traced back to the very core of what could be called orthodox left dissent. We analyse the “truly leftist” politics of Mihailo Marković during the 1968 protests, which devolved into support for the police and apologia for war and nationalism in the 1990s. We compare his central intellectual role in instituting a nationalist brand of socialism in Serbia to the public engagement of Miladin Životić, whose marginalization stands as reminder of those who dared to oppose the dominant nationalist narratives and offered a vision of life together",
publisher = "Praha: Filosofický ústav Akademie věd ČR, v. v. i.",
journal = "Contradictions: A Journal for Critical Thought",
title = "Aporias and contradictions of the (post-)Yugoslav left: orthodoxy in a praxis way",
number = "2",
volume = "5",
pages = "107-120",
doi = "10.46957/con.2021.2.6"
}

Bešlin, M., Pudar Draško, G.,& Delibašić, B.. (2021). Aporias and contradictions of the (post-)Yugoslav left: orthodoxy in a praxis way. in Contradictions: A Journal for Critical Thought
Praha: Filosofický ústav Akademie věd ČR, v. v. i.., 5(2), 107-120.
https://doi.org/10.46957/con.2021.2.6

Bešlin M, Pudar Draško G, Delibašić B. Aporias and contradictions of the (post-)Yugoslav left: orthodoxy in a praxis way. in Contradictions: A Journal for Critical Thought. 2021;5(2):107-120.
doi:10.46957/con.2021.2.6 .

Bešlin, Milivoj, Pudar Draško, Gazela, Delibašić, Balša, "Aporias and contradictions of the (post-)Yugoslav left: orthodoxy in a praxis way" in Contradictions: A Journal for Critical Thought, 5, no. 2 (2021):107-120,
https://doi.org/10.46957/con.2021.2.6 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Aleksandar
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Lončar, Jelena
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3358
AB  - This article examines the role, status and perceptions of the Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo from both Kosovo Albanian and Serbian perspectives. The analysis focuses on two cases, which attracted particular resistance on each of the two sides: the passing of legislation in the Kosovar parliament in 2012 that aimed to protect Serbian cultural heritage and the 2015 unsuccessful Kosovo bid for unesco membership. Both moments demonstrate how cultural heritage is primarily approached from the statehood perspective and used to additionally deepen inter-ethnic distances. The authors shed more light on the discrepancies between the international peacebuilding efforts and the internationally imposed legal framework, challenging the reduction of the peacebuilding efforts to institutional design, while dominant discourses of both Serbian and Albanian elites essentially deepen the enmity and serve as resistance mechanisms to the international peacebuilding strategies.
PB  - Brill | Schöningh
T2  - Southeastern Europe
T1  - A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?
IS  - 3
VL  - 45
SP  - 361
EP  - 386
DO  - 10.30965/18763332-45030005
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavlović, Aleksandar and Pudar Draško, Gazela and Lončar, Jelena",
year = "2021",
abstract = "This article examines the role, status and perceptions of the Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo from both Kosovo Albanian and Serbian perspectives. The analysis focuses on two cases, which attracted particular resistance on each of the two sides: the passing of legislation in the Kosovar parliament in 2012 that aimed to protect Serbian cultural heritage and the 2015 unsuccessful Kosovo bid for unesco membership. Both moments demonstrate how cultural heritage is primarily approached from the statehood perspective and used to additionally deepen inter-ethnic distances. The authors shed more light on the discrepancies between the international peacebuilding efforts and the internationally imposed legal framework, challenging the reduction of the peacebuilding efforts to institutional design, while dominant discourses of both Serbian and Albanian elites essentially deepen the enmity and serve as resistance mechanisms to the international peacebuilding strategies.",
publisher = "Brill | Schöningh",
journal = "Southeastern Europe",
title = "A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?",
number = "3",
volume = "45",
pages = "361-386",
doi = "10.30965/18763332-45030005"
}

Pavlović, A., Pudar Draško, G.,& Lončar, J.. (2021). A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?. in Southeastern Europe
Brill | Schöningh., 45(3), 361-386.
https://doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030005

Pavlović A, Pudar Draško G, Lončar J. A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?. in Southeastern Europe. 2021;45(3):361-386.
doi:10.30965/18763332-45030005 .

Pavlović, Aleksandar, Pudar Draško, Gazela, Lončar, Jelena, "A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?" in Southeastern Europe, 45, no. 3 (2021):361-386,
https://doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030005 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Opratko, Benjamin
AU  - Bojadžijev, Manuela
AU  - Bojanić, Sanja M.
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Harder, Alexander
AU  - Jonsson, Stefan
AU  - Nećak, Mirjana
AU  - Neegard, Anders
AU  - Ortega Soto, Celina
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Sauer, Birgit
AU  - Čehajić Stojanović, Kristina
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2636
AB  - This article offers a collectively developed analysis of the Covid-19 crisis as it
relates to contemporary cultures of rejection, i.e. the socio-cultural conditions
in which authoritarian and right-wing populist politics thrive, in Europe. We
explore how the pandemic and its management reinforces, transforms and/or
overrides existing antagonisms and institutes new ones in Serbia, Croatia,
Austria, Germany and Sweden. We discuss how the Covid-19 crisis affects the
rise of new statisms; gendered patterns of social reproduction; mobility and
migration; digital infrastructures; and new political mobilizations
PB  - Routledge
T2  - Ethnic and Racial Studies
T1  - Cultures of rejection in the Covid-19 crisis
VL  - 44
DO  - 10.1080/01419870.2020.1859575
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Opratko, Benjamin and Bojadžijev, Manuela and Bojanić, Sanja M. and Fiket, Irena and Harder, Alexander and Jonsson, Stefan and Nećak, Mirjana and Neegard, Anders and Ortega Soto, Celina and Pudar Draško, Gazela and Sauer, Birgit and Čehajić Stojanović, Kristina",
year = "2021",
abstract = "This article offers a collectively developed analysis of the Covid-19 crisis as it
relates to contemporary cultures of rejection, i.e. the socio-cultural conditions
in which authoritarian and right-wing populist politics thrive, in Europe. We
explore how the pandemic and its management reinforces, transforms and/or
overrides existing antagonisms and institutes new ones in Serbia, Croatia,
Austria, Germany and Sweden. We discuss how the Covid-19 crisis affects the
rise of new statisms; gendered patterns of social reproduction; mobility and
migration; digital infrastructures; and new political mobilizations",
publisher = "Routledge",
journal = "Ethnic and Racial Studies",
title = "Cultures of rejection in the Covid-19 crisis",
volume = "44",
doi = "10.1080/01419870.2020.1859575"
}

Opratko, B., Bojadžijev, M., Bojanić, S. M., Fiket, I., Harder, A., Jonsson, S., Nećak, M., Neegard, A., Ortega Soto, C., Pudar Draško, G., Sauer, B.,& Čehajić Stojanović, K.. (2021). Cultures of rejection in the Covid-19 crisis. in Ethnic and Racial Studies
Routledge., 44.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1859575

Opratko B, Bojadžijev M, Bojanić SM, Fiket I, Harder A, Jonsson S, Nećak M, Neegard A, Ortega Soto C, Pudar Draško G, Sauer B, Čehajić Stojanović K. Cultures of rejection in the Covid-19 crisis. in Ethnic and Racial Studies. 2021;44.
doi:10.1080/01419870.2020.1859575 .

Opratko, Benjamin, Bojadžijev, Manuela, Bojanić, Sanja M., Fiket, Irena, Harder, Alexander, Jonsson, Stefan, Nećak, Mirjana, Neegard, Anders, Ortega Soto, Celina, Pudar Draško, Gazela, Sauer, Birgit, Čehajić Stojanović, Kristina, "Cultures of rejection in the Covid-19 crisis" in Ethnic and Racial Studies, 44 (2021),
https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1859575 . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/3582
AB  - Pitanje angažmana intelektualaca u građanskom društvu Srbije je razmatrano u ovom radu kroz vizuru istaknutih intelektualaca koji su delovali u prvoj deceniji XXI veka. U radu se pošlo od pretpostavke da se intelektualno delovanje nužno dešava u okviru građanskog društva, odnosno javne arene. Analizirani stavovi ukazuju da srpski intelektualci najviše naginju Saidovom i Bendinom tumačenju, zahtevajući od intelektualca da se vodi veberijanskom etikom odgovornosti, a ne etikom principijelnog ubeđenja. Ipak, vidno je da nisu isto toliko spremni da se sami suoče sa posledicama takve uloge u građanskom društvu. Nalazi istraživanja pokazuju da uprkos načelom prihvatanju suštastvenosti angažmana, većina intelektualaca ispoljava izraženu skepsu prema sopstvenoj volji i mogućnostima za angažovanje u stvarima od opšteg interesa. Malodušnost intelektualaca je evidentna u odricanju mogućnosti uticaja intelektualaca, naročito ako se ima u vidu da su sagovornici u istraživanju bili upravo oni intelektualci koji jesu angažovani u građanskom društvu.
PB  - Novi Sad : Forum
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Elköteleződés és kritika: Tanulmányok az angazsáltságról
T1  - Az értelmiségi (dez)angazsáltság Szerbiában a XXI. század elején
SP  - 296
EP  - 317
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3582
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Pitanje angažmana intelektualaca u građanskom društvu Srbije je razmatrano u ovom radu kroz vizuru istaknutih intelektualaca koji su delovali u prvoj deceniji XXI veka. U radu se pošlo od pretpostavke da se intelektualno delovanje nužno dešava u okviru građanskog društva, odnosno javne arene. Analizirani stavovi ukazuju da srpski intelektualci najviše naginju Saidovom i Bendinom tumačenju, zahtevajući od intelektualca da se vodi veberijanskom etikom odgovornosti, a ne etikom principijelnog ubeđenja. Ipak, vidno je da nisu isto toliko spremni da se sami suoče sa posledicama takve uloge u građanskom društvu. Nalazi istraživanja pokazuju da uprkos načelom prihvatanju suštastvenosti angažmana, većina intelektualaca ispoljava izraženu skepsu prema sopstvenoj volji i mogućnostima za angažovanje u stvarima od opšteg interesa. Malodušnost intelektualaca je evidentna u odricanju mogućnosti uticaja intelektualaca, naročito ako se ima u vidu da su sagovornici u istraživanju bili upravo oni intelektualci koji jesu angažovani u građanskom društvu.",
publisher = "Novi Sad : Forum, Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Elköteleződés és kritika: Tanulmányok az angazsáltságról",
booktitle = "Az értelmiségi (dez)angazsáltság Szerbiában a XXI. század elején",
pages = "296-317",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3582"
}

Pudar Draško, G.. (2020). Az értelmiségi (dez)angazsáltság Szerbiában a XXI. század elején. in Elköteleződés és kritika: Tanulmányok az angazsáltságról
Novi Sad : Forum., 296-317.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3582

Pudar Draško G. Az értelmiségi (dez)angazsáltság Szerbiában a XXI. század elején. in Elköteleződés és kritika: Tanulmányok az angazsáltságról. 2020;:296-317.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3582 .

Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Az értelmiségi (dez)angazsáltság Szerbiában a XXI. század elején" in Elköteleződés és kritika: Tanulmányok az angazsáltságról (2020):296-317,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_3582 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Delibašić, Balša
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2327
AB  - Razlozi izostanka šire građanske antiautoritarne mobilizacije u savremenoj Srbiji mogu biti jasniji ukoliko se temeljnije osvrnemo na uslove nastajanja i nestajanja pokreta Otpor, nosioca značajnog dela aktivnosti koje su prethodile i vodile petooktobarskim promenama. Uporednom analizom dostupnih istraživanja među nekadašnjim članstvom Otpora i aktivistima savremenih
pokreta pokazaćemo značajne sličnosti u percepciji političkog konteksta između 2000. i kraja druge decenije XXI veka. Sa druge strane, kontekstualna analiza ukazuje na značajne razlike između ova dva vremenska trenutka u pogledu moći delanja (agency) angažovanih aktera u političkoj areni Srbije. Uspeh Otpora u stvaranju efikasnog zajedničkog subjekta promena, bez obzira na ideološku heterogenost članova pokreta, nužno je razmotriti u protivstavu sa neuspehom njegovog opstanka kao društvenog i/ili političkog aktera upravo zbog te heterogenosti. Možemo li govoriti o naučenim lekcijama, odnosno da li je Otpor u politici paradigma otpora politici građana Srbije?
AB  - The reasons for absence of broad civic anti-authoritarian activism in contemporary Serbia can be gleaned from a closer look at the circumstances of emergence and disappearance of the movement Otpor [Resistance], which played a major role in the lead-up and events of October 5th, 2000. Through a comparative analysis of available studies of former Otpor members, as well as other activists of various movements, we show significant overlap in perception of the political context of 2000 and the end of the 2010s. On the other hand, context analysis also shows significant differences between these two moments regarding the agency of actors on the Serbian political stage. Otpor’s success in producing an efficient common subject of change, despite internal ideological heterogeneity, must be weighed against the counter claim of failure to endure as  social and/or political actor (precisely due to its internal differences). Can we speak of lessons learned? Could Resistance in politics be the source of civic resistance towards politics in Serbia?
PB  - Beograd: Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka
T2  - Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra
T1  - Otpor ka politici
T1  - Resistance to Politics
SP  - 71
EP  - 88
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2327
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Pudar Draško, Gazela and Delibašić, Balša",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Razlozi izostanka šire građanske antiautoritarne mobilizacije u savremenoj Srbiji mogu biti jasniji ukoliko se temeljnije osvrnemo na uslove nastajanja i nestajanja pokreta Otpor, nosioca značajnog dela aktivnosti koje su prethodile i vodile petooktobarskim promenama. Uporednom analizom dostupnih istraživanja među nekadašnjim članstvom Otpora i aktivistima savremenih
pokreta pokazaćemo značajne sličnosti u percepciji političkog konteksta između 2000. i kraja druge decenije XXI veka. Sa druge strane, kontekstualna analiza ukazuje na značajne razlike između ova dva vremenska trenutka u pogledu moći delanja (agency) angažovanih aktera u političkoj areni Srbije. Uspeh Otpora u stvaranju efikasnog zajedničkog subjekta promena, bez obzira na ideološku heterogenost članova pokreta, nužno je razmotriti u protivstavu sa neuspehom njegovog opstanka kao društvenog i/ili političkog aktera upravo zbog te heterogenosti. Možemo li govoriti o naučenim lekcijama, odnosno da li je Otpor u politici paradigma otpora politici građana Srbije?, The reasons for absence of broad civic anti-authoritarian activism in contemporary Serbia can be gleaned from a closer look at the circumstances of emergence and disappearance of the movement Otpor [Resistance], which played a major role in the lead-up and events of October 5th, 2000. Through a comparative analysis of available studies of former Otpor members, as well as other activists of various movements, we show significant overlap in perception of the political context of 2000 and the end of the 2010s. On the other hand, context analysis also shows significant differences between these two moments regarding the agency of actors on the Serbian political stage. Otpor’s success in producing an efficient common subject of change, despite internal ideological heterogeneity, must be weighed against the counter claim of failure to endure as  social and/or political actor (precisely due to its internal differences). Can we speak of lessons learned? Could Resistance in politics be the source of civic resistance towards politics in Serbia?",
publisher = "Beograd: Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka",
journal = "Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra",
booktitle = "Otpor ka politici, Resistance to Politics",
pages = "71-88",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2327"
}

Pudar Draško, G.,& Delibašić, B.. (2020). Otpor ka politici. in Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra
Beograd: Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka., 71-88.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2327

Pudar Draško G, Delibašić B. Otpor ka politici. in Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra. 2020;:71-88.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2327 .

Pudar Draško, Gazela, Delibašić, Balša, "Otpor ka politici" in Dvadeset godina 5. oktobra (2020):71-88,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2327 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
AU  - Pavlović, Aleksandar
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2457
AB  - According to cultural definitions, intellectuals can be defined as social actors who have developed public authority based on cultural achievements and/or positions. Intellectuals are key participants in the creation, specification, articulation and dissemination of any form of social ideas. Their relevance can be particularly prominent in societies dominated by nationalism, because they have the ability to sift through a particular national/ethnic tradition, selecting specific moments and elements from the collective memory and thus strengthening a given national ideology. In the Westerns Balkans, intellectual elites mostly positioned themselves as bearers of national programs, especially in the 1980s and 1990s. This, almost exclusively male, group was awarded disproportionately large space in the media. Smaller groups of a(nti)nationally oriented intellectuals never gained such dominance in public discourse, but continuously used their opportunities of influencing public opinion to express the necessity of repudiation of extremism and breaking with the ideology that hampers the normalization of socio-political life in the region. We analyze here the role of intellectuals to both radicalization and reconciliation in the Western Balkans, focusing especially on the former Yugoslavia. Starting with the 1987 Memorandum of the SASA, widely regarded as the ultimate intellectual fuel to the deepening the conflict, we end with the most recent case of Declaration on the Common Language (2017), which opted for the unification of the now separated Western Balkan languages into a joint one.
PB  - Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft
T2  - The Challenges of Democratization and Reconciliation in the Post-Yugoslav Space
T1  - Intellectuals between radicalization and reconciliation in the Western Balkans
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2457
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Pudar Draško, Gazela and Pavlović, Aleksandar",
year = "2020",
abstract = "According to cultural definitions, intellectuals can be defined as social actors who have developed public authority based on cultural achievements and/or positions. Intellectuals are key participants in the creation, specification, articulation and dissemination of any form of social ideas. Their relevance can be particularly prominent in societies dominated by nationalism, because they have the ability to sift through a particular national/ethnic tradition, selecting specific moments and elements from the collective memory and thus strengthening a given national ideology. In the Westerns Balkans, intellectual elites mostly positioned themselves as bearers of national programs, especially in the 1980s and 1990s. This, almost exclusively male, group was awarded disproportionately large space in the media. Smaller groups of a(nti)nationally oriented intellectuals never gained such dominance in public discourse, but continuously used their opportunities of influencing public opinion to express the necessity of repudiation of extremism and breaking with the ideology that hampers the normalization of socio-political life in the region. We analyze here the role of intellectuals to both radicalization and reconciliation in the Western Balkans, focusing especially on the former Yugoslavia. Starting with the 1987 Memorandum of the SASA, widely regarded as the ultimate intellectual fuel to the deepening the conflict, we end with the most recent case of Declaration on the Common Language (2017), which opted for the unification of the now separated Western Balkan languages into a joint one.",
publisher = "Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft",
journal = "The Challenges of Democratization and Reconciliation in the Post-Yugoslav Space",
booktitle = "Intellectuals between radicalization and reconciliation in the Western Balkans",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2457"
}

Pudar Draško, G.,& Pavlović, A.. (2020). Intellectuals between radicalization and reconciliation in the Western Balkans. in The Challenges of Democratization and Reconciliation in the Post-Yugoslav Space
Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2457

Pudar Draško G, Pavlović A. Intellectuals between radicalization and reconciliation in the Western Balkans. in The Challenges of Democratization and Reconciliation in the Post-Yugoslav Space. 2020;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2457 .

Pudar Draško, Gazela, Pavlović, Aleksandar, "Intellectuals between radicalization and reconciliation in the Western Balkans" in The Challenges of Democratization and Reconciliation in the Post-Yugoslav Space (2020),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_rifdt_2457 .