Bezbednost kao društvena dobrobit

Abstract

Predmet rada je razmatranje načina borbe protiv organizovanog kriminala i posledica koje takvi načini borbe imaju na savremeno demokratsko društvo. Orijentacija u sferi kreiranja politike suzbijanja organizovanog kriminala podrazumeva povećavanje domena tolerancije ograničavanja tradicionalnog domena ljudskih prava. Taj fenomen čini ljudska prava ključnim za raspravu o savremenim bezbednosnim potrebama kao integrativnom delu koncepta društvene dobrobiti. Cilj rada je da ukaže na koncentraciju načina borbe protiv organizovanog kriminaliteta u uskom spektru represivnih odgovora i da uputi na alternativu tom pristupu. Umanjivanjem viktimizacije koja je posledica delovanja organizovanog kriminala putem nerepresivanog reagovanja na organizovani kriminalitet utiče se na prosperitet i dobrobit zajednice. Represivno delovanje, pogotovo kada je proaktivno, veoma ozbiljno i u načelu ugrožava tradicionalnu sferu ljudskih i građanskih prava čime se proširuje krug viktimizacije. Imajući u vidu povećanu svest javnosti o pretnji od organizovanog kriminaliteta, u radu se dalje ukazuje na ideju da metode u borbi protiv organizovanog kriminaliteta stvaraju kontroverze u domenu ljudskih prava na koje je moguće odgovoriti jedino proporcionalistički, odnosno na planu odmeravanja koja količina odricanja od tradicionalnih građanskih sloboda može biti opravdana. U zaključnim razmatranjima u tekstu, koja se odnose na proporciju represivnog i nerepresivnog proaktivnog delovanja protiv organizovanog kriminala, autorka razmatra i procenjuje realističan doseg povoljnih posledica koje bi takva kombinovana politika suprotstavljanja organizovanom kriminalu proizvela u sferi zaštite dominiona, odnosno kompozitnog korpusa ljudskih i građanskih prava zahvaćenih kroz kategorije i institucije demokratskog političkog sistema.

The paper discusses organized crime in its profound influence on the social fabric and the quality of social life overall. Today’s predominant strategies of fighting organized crime cause serious concerns over the traditional understanding of human rights in a democratic society. The anti–organized crime policies tend to increasingly focus on a narrow spectrum of repressive responses to perceived threats, failing to frame anti–organized crime policy within the wider concept of social well–being. Thus, anti–organized crime policy often, rather than reducing threats, facilitates further victimization of the society at large. Due to the exceptionally high level of perceptions of threat from organized crime in most developed countries today, the public tolerance of repressive methods as a way to address the rise of organized crime is increasing. This increase in tolerance of state intrusion is potentially dangerous for the quality of democracy and for the level of protection of individual rights in society. The goal of the article is to discuss the need for proportionality between the threat posed by organize crime, on the one hand, and the potential threat to human rights which is posed by the use of repressive methods, on the other.

The author initially discusses the market basis for the emergence of organized crime, namely, dysfunctional public institutions. In societies where the state is effective in providing services such as debt collection, security of the general public and small businesses from violence and especially robbery or arson, provision of effective and protected transactions in money and goods, the maneuvering room for the market placement of organized crime ‘services’ is greatly diminished. The author considers the potential for reaching a balance of such repressive and non–repressive approaches to anti–organized crime policy, which would be sufficiently effective in reducing organized crime, while at the same time avoiding drastic threats to traditionally conceived human and civil rights.