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Izložbeni plakati "Pisanje stradanja: knjiga o knjigama: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu"

Albahari, Biljana; Rezinović, Ornela

TY  - GEN
AU  - Albahari, Biljana
AU  - Rezinović, Ornela
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/1912
UR  - http://www.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/secanje-na-holokaust/
AB  - Regionalni naučni centar Instituta za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju organizovao je u Novom Sadu od 18. do 21. aprila 2017. godine seriju događaja „Sećanje na Holokaust“, koja je sadržavala konferenciju „Holokaust i filozofija“, tribinu istoričara „Jevrejski identitet, antisemitizam i Holokaust“, jedan školski dan o Holokaustu „Lekcije za budućnost“ i simpozijum „Učiti o Holokaustu: utopija ili šansa – obrazovne prakse i pedagoški izazovi“. Čitavo događanje otvoreno je koncertom hora Jevrejske opštine Novi Sad – „Hašira“ i izložbom u novosadskoj Sinagogi pod nazivom „Pisanje stradanja: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu“ autorke, Bilјane Albahari i dizajnerke Ornele Rezinović. Izložbu je pratio katalog  koji ima odlike samostalne knjige. 
Cilј izložbe bio je da se jednim savremenim, a temi odgovarajućim dizajnerskim rešenjem, na upečatlјiv način predstavi izbor preko stotinu knjiga koje su o Holokaustu štampane u Srbiji i da se na taj način ukaže na neke od najvažnijih elemenata i događaja vezanih za istoriju Holokausta u okupiranoj Srbiji. Autorke se nadaju da su na taj način uspele da usklade zahteve profesionalnog izraza i neophodnog pijeteta primerenog težini teme. Izložbeni plakati tematski i hronološki prate odigravanje Holokausta: počinju od spalјivanja knjiga i Kristalne noći u nacističkoj Nemačkoj, preko nastajanja sabirnih centara, stratišta i internacijskih i koncentracionih logora, do tragičnih učinaka nastojanja da se masovno uništi jevrejski narod. Kroz individualne sudbine, lične i porodične priče, istoriografske dokumente i arhivsku građu svedoči se o jednom od najvećih zločina u istoriji čovečanstva. Deo izložbe koji se odnosi na posleratni period govori o hvatanju počinitelјa ratnih zločina, pravednicima koji su pomagali jevrejskim porodicama da prežive racije i progone, tumačenju Holokausta, kao i o pedagoškom radu na izučavanje Holokausta.
Izložbenu postavku obišli su učenici tokom školskog dana „Lekcije za budućnost“, koji se odvijao u sklopu ove manifestacije. Tom prilikom se potvrdilo da se predstavlјeni plakati (u štampanoj i digitalnoj formi), koje je Institut poklonio Narodnoj biblioteci Srbije, zajedno sa knjigom-katalogom mogu koristiti kao pokretna izložba ili kao dopunski, edukativni i prateći materijal za različite seminare, interaktivne časove i radionice posvećene ovoj temi.
AB  - 16 plakata u koloru veličine 70 x 100 cm
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Konferencija "Sećanje na Holokaust", 18-22 april 2017.
T1  - Izložbeni plakati "Pisanje stradanja: knjiga o knjigama: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu"
ER  - 
@misc{
author = "Albahari, Biljana and Rezinović, Ornela",
abstract = "Regionalni naučni centar Instituta za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju organizovao je u Novom Sadu od 18. do 21. aprila 2017. godine seriju događaja „Sećanje na Holokaust“, koja je sadržavala konferenciju „Holokaust i filozofija“, tribinu istoričara „Jevrejski identitet, antisemitizam i Holokaust“, jedan školski dan o Holokaustu „Lekcije za budućnost“ i simpozijum „Učiti o Holokaustu: utopija ili šansa – obrazovne prakse i pedagoški izazovi“. Čitavo događanje otvoreno je koncertom hora Jevrejske opštine Novi Sad – „Hašira“ i izložbom u novosadskoj Sinagogi pod nazivom „Pisanje stradanja: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu“ autorke, Bilјane Albahari i dizajnerke Ornele Rezinović. Izložbu je pratio katalog  koji ima odlike samostalne knjige. 
Cilј izložbe bio je da se jednim savremenim, a temi odgovarajućim dizajnerskim rešenjem, na upečatlјiv način predstavi izbor preko stotinu knjiga koje su o Holokaustu štampane u Srbiji i da se na taj način ukaže na neke od najvažnijih elemenata i događaja vezanih za istoriju Holokausta u okupiranoj Srbiji. Autorke se nadaju da su na taj način uspele da usklade zahteve profesionalnog izraza i neophodnog pijeteta primerenog težini teme. Izložbeni plakati tematski i hronološki prate odigravanje Holokausta: počinju od spalјivanja knjiga i Kristalne noći u nacističkoj Nemačkoj, preko nastajanja sabirnih centara, stratišta i internacijskih i koncentracionih logora, do tragičnih učinaka nastojanja da se masovno uništi jevrejski narod. Kroz individualne sudbine, lične i porodične priče, istoriografske dokumente i arhivsku građu svedoči se o jednom od najvećih zločina u istoriji čovečanstva. Deo izložbe koji se odnosi na posleratni period govori o hvatanju počinitelјa ratnih zločina, pravednicima koji su pomagali jevrejskim porodicama da prežive racije i progone, tumačenju Holokausta, kao i o pedagoškom radu na izučavanje Holokausta.
Izložbenu postavku obišli su učenici tokom školskog dana „Lekcije za budućnost“, koji se odvijao u sklopu ove manifestacije. Tom prilikom se potvrdilo da se predstavlјeni plakati (u štampanoj i digitalnoj formi), koje je Institut poklonio Narodnoj biblioteci Srbije, zajedno sa knjigom-katalogom mogu koristiti kao pokretna izložba ili kao dopunski, edukativni i prateći materijal za različite seminare, interaktivne časove i radionice posvećene ovoj temi., 16 plakata u koloru veličine 70 x 100 cm",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Konferencija "Sećanje na Holokaust", 18-22 april 2017.",
title = "Izložbeni plakati "Pisanje stradanja: knjiga o knjigama: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu""
}
Albahari, B.,& Rezinović, O..Izložbeni plakati "Pisanje stradanja: knjiga o knjigama: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu". in Konferencija "Sećanje na Holokaust", 18-22 april 2017.
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju..
Albahari B, Rezinović O. Izložbeni plakati "Pisanje stradanja: knjiga o knjigama: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu". in Konferencija "Sećanje na Holokaust", 18-22 april 2017....
Albahari, Biljana, Rezinović, Ornela, "Izložbeni plakati "Pisanje stradanja: knjiga o knjigama: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu"" in Konferencija "Sećanje na Holokaust", 18-22 april 2017..

Парижката школа, атинската школа и американската православна богословска диаспора

Цветкович, Владимир

(София: Фондация „Комунитас”, 221)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Цветкович, Владимир
PY  - 221
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2423
AB  - Целта на този текст е да изследва как богословието, разгърнало се в хода на ХХ и XXI в. в православната диаспора, формира отношението на православната теология към Запада. Ще анализирам проявите на православното богословие сред диаспората в три фази: руското емигрантско богословие от 20-те и 30-те години на ХХ в. в Париж, гръцката постколониална теология от 60-те и 70-те в Атина и американската теология на православната диаспора от първите две десетилетия на XXI в.
PB  - София: Фондация „Комунитас”
T2  - Християнство и култура XX/3
T1  - Парижката школа, атинската школа и американската православна богословска диаспора
SP  - 22
EP  - 27
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Цветкович, Владимир",
year = "221",
abstract = "Целта на този текст е да изследва как богословието, разгърнало се в хода на ХХ и XXI в. в православната диаспора, формира отношението на православната теология към Запада. Ще анализирам проявите на православното богословие сред диаспората в три фази: руското емигрантско богословие от 20-те и 30-те години на ХХ в. в Париж, гръцката постколониална теология от 60-те и 70-те в Атина и американската теология на православната диаспора от първите две десетилетия на XXI в.",
publisher = "София: Фондация „Комунитас”",
journal = "Християнство и култура XX/3",
title = "Парижката школа, атинската школа и американската православна богословска диаспора",
pages = "22-27"
}
Цветкович, В.. (221). Парижката школа, атинската школа и американската православна богословска диаспора. in Християнство и култура XX/3
София: Фондация „Комунитас”., 22-27.
Цветкович В. Парижката школа, атинската школа и американската православна богословска диаспора. in Християнство и култура XX/3. 221;:22-27..
Цветкович, Владимир, "Парижката школа, атинската школа и американската православна богословска диаспора" in Християнство и култура XX/3 (221):22-27.

“Keep up the Good Work, Za naš Kej!” Citizens’ Passive Support to the Local Activist Group

Iguman, Sanja; Mijatović, Nevena; Nikolić, Sara

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Iguman, Sanja
AU  - Mijatović, Nevena
AU  - Nikolić, Sara
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1435
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2536
AB  - Deep-rooted political turbulence, along with the present hybrid regime, have resulted in an undesirable social, economic and political milieu in Serbia. Such an atmosphere is a fertile ground for a grey economy, corruption, nepotism and restrictions to media freedoms. These ‘unconventional’ means of social functioning, have caused a decline in trust towards state institutions and proportionally, increase of citizen participation in non-institutional models of engagement. 

The aim of this paper is to analyse one such model of non-institutional engagement: the local activist group Za naš Kej, operating in the area Savski blokovi (Sava apartment blocks) in New Belgrade. The authors analysed local residents’ perception of the activist group Za naš Kej in comparison to the group’s narratives and actions. By using a grounded theory approach authors explained the role of groups such as Za Naš Kej in the development of participatory and deliberative democracy within the local community. 

Our data indicates that Za naš kej, despite its local character, does not have a strong foothold in the community, and thus receives only passive support. Citizens perceive Za naš kej as mediator between local institutions and residents of the Sava apartment blocks. Despite the failure to mobilise a wider group of citizens for their cause, this activist group continues to be a relevant (political) actor within the local community.
AB  - Duboko ukorenjene političke turbulencije, zajedno sa sadašnjim hibridnim režimom, dovele su do nepoželjnog društvenog, ekonomskog i političkog miljea u Srbiji. Takva atmosfera je plodno tlo za sivu ekonomiju, korupciju, nepotizam i ograničavanje medijskih sloboda. Ovi „nekonvencionalni“ načini društvenog funkcionisanja, izazvali su smanjivanje poverenja u državne institucije i srazmerno tome, porast učešć a građana u vaninstitucionalnim modelima angažovanja.
Cilj ovog rada je da se analizira jedan takav model vaninstitucionalnog angažovanja: lokalna aktivistička grupa Za naš kej, koja deluje u Savskim blokovima na Novom Beogradu. Autorke su analizirale percepciju lokalnog stanovništva o aktivističkoj grupi Za naš Kej u poređenju sa narativima i akcijama grupe. Korišć enjem utemeljenog teorijskog pristupa autorke su objasnile ulogu grupa kao što je Za Naš Kej u razvoju participativne i deliberativne demokratije u lokalnoj zajednici.
Naši podaci govore da Za naš kej, i pored svog lokalnog karaktera, nema čvrsto uporište u zajednici, pa stoga dobija samo pasivnu podršku. Građani vide Za naš kej kao posrednika između lokalnih institucija i stanovnika stambenih blokova pored Save. Uprkos neuspehu da mobiliše širu grupu građana, ova aktivistička grupa nastavlja da bude relevantan (politički) akter u lokalnoj zajednici.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - “Keep up the Good Work, Za naš Kej!” Citizens’ Passive Support to the Local Activist Group
T1  - „Samo napred, Za naš Kej!“ Pasivna podrška građana lokalnoj aktivističkoj grupi
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 120
EP  - 142
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201120I
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Iguman, Sanja and Mijatović, Nevena and Nikolić, Sara",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Deep-rooted political turbulence, along with the present hybrid regime, have resulted in an undesirable social, economic and political milieu in Serbia. Such an atmosphere is a fertile ground for a grey economy, corruption, nepotism and restrictions to media freedoms. These ‘unconventional’ means of social functioning, have caused a decline in trust towards state institutions and proportionally, increase of citizen participation in non-institutional models of engagement. 

The aim of this paper is to analyse one such model of non-institutional engagement: the local activist group Za naš Kej, operating in the area Savski blokovi (Sava apartment blocks) in New Belgrade. The authors analysed local residents’ perception of the activist group Za naš Kej in comparison to the group’s narratives and actions. By using a grounded theory approach authors explained the role of groups such as Za Naš Kej in the development of participatory and deliberative democracy within the local community. 

Our data indicates that Za naš kej, despite its local character, does not have a strong foothold in the community, and thus receives only passive support. Citizens perceive Za naš kej as mediator between local institutions and residents of the Sava apartment blocks. Despite the failure to mobilise a wider group of citizens for their cause, this activist group continues to be a relevant (political) actor within the local community., Duboko ukorenjene političke turbulencije, zajedno sa sadašnjim hibridnim režimom, dovele su do nepoželjnog društvenog, ekonomskog i političkog miljea u Srbiji. Takva atmosfera je plodno tlo za sivu ekonomiju, korupciju, nepotizam i ograničavanje medijskih sloboda. Ovi „nekonvencionalni“ načini društvenog funkcionisanja, izazvali su smanjivanje poverenja u državne institucije i srazmerno tome, porast učešć a građana u vaninstitucionalnim modelima angažovanja.
Cilj ovog rada je da se analizira jedan takav model vaninstitucionalnog angažovanja: lokalna aktivistička grupa Za naš kej, koja deluje u Savskim blokovima na Novom Beogradu. Autorke su analizirale percepciju lokalnog stanovništva o aktivističkoj grupi Za naš Kej u poređenju sa narativima i akcijama grupe. Korišć enjem utemeljenog teorijskog pristupa autorke su objasnile ulogu grupa kao što je Za Naš Kej u razvoju participativne i deliberativne demokratije u lokalnoj zajednici.
Naši podaci govore da Za naš kej, i pored svog lokalnog karaktera, nema čvrsto uporište u zajednici, pa stoga dobija samo pasivnu podršku. Građani vide Za naš kej kao posrednika između lokalnih institucija i stanovnika stambenih blokova pored Save. Uprkos neuspehu da mobiliše širu grupu građana, ova aktivistička grupa nastavlja da bude relevantan (politički) akter u lokalnoj zajednici.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "“Keep up the Good Work, Za naš Kej!” Citizens’ Passive Support to the Local Activist Group, „Samo napred, Za naš Kej!“ Pasivna podrška građana lokalnoj aktivističkoj grupi",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "120-142",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201120I"
}
Iguman, S., Mijatović, N.,& Nikolić, S.. (2022). “Keep up the Good Work, Za naš Kej!” Citizens’ Passive Support to the Local Activist Group. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 120-142.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201120I
Iguman S, Mijatović N, Nikolić S. “Keep up the Good Work, Za naš Kej!” Citizens’ Passive Support to the Local Activist Group. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):120-142.
doi:10.2298/FID2201120I .
Iguman, Sanja, Mijatović, Nevena, Nikolić, Sara, "“Keep up the Good Work, Za naš Kej!” Citizens’ Passive Support to the Local Activist Group" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):120-142,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201120I . .

Kolektivni rad sećanja: poreklo, teorijska razmatranja i praksa

Đorđević, Ana

(Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Đorđević, Ana
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://www.sociologija.org/admin/published/2022_64/1/756.pdf
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2530
AB  - Predmet ovog rada je društveno-naučna metodologija kolektivni rad
sećanja i njena relevantnost za psihološka istraživanja. Osnovni cilj je da se ona
predstavi kroz razradu njenih istorijskih i teorijskih osnova i pretpostavki, kao i
praktičnih smernica za istraživanje. Od početne ideje do novije literature, odabrani
aspekti ove metodologije razmatraju se u sklopu određenih teorijskih okvira i
debata, uz prateće dileme, zbog čega rad ima polemički karakter. U uvodu se u
osnovnim crtama ističe značaj metodologije i samog rada, kao prvog razrađenog
pregleda ove teme na regionalnim jezicima. Potom, sledi istorijski osvrt na prvi
projekat kolektivnog rada sećanja, njegovo feminističko-marksističko zaleđe, kao i
na pojedine teorijske aspekte (subjektifikacija, sećanja, iskustvo i teorija, kolektivna
dekonstrukcija, osoba). Iz te diskusije izvučene su i odvojeno predstavljene osnovne
pretpostavke kolektivnog rada sećanja. Naredni odeljak sadrži glavne pravce
razvoja i primena, razmatranja od značaja za psihološke teme, kao i poređenje sa
sličnim metodologijama. Nakon toga sledi praktični deo rada gde se predstavljaju
osnovne smernice kroz progresivno navođenje faza istraživanja. Najzad, diskutuju
se dileme u pogledu kriterijuma za evaluaciju rada sećanja. U zaključku je još
jednom ocrtano mesto i značaj ove metodologije za društveno-naučna i psihološka
istraživanja.
AB  - The subject of this paper is social-scientific methodology collective
memory-work and its relevance for psychological inquiry. The aim is to present it
through elaboration of its historical and theoretical foundations and assumptions,
as well as practical guidance for research. From the original idea until current
literature, chosen aspects of this methodology are considered within certain
theoretical frameworks and debates, with accompanying dilemmas, which is
why the paper has polemic character. Introduction outlines the relevance of this
methodology, as well as the relevance of the paper, as the first elaborated review
of this subject in regional languages. Next follows the historical look at the
pioneering project of collective memory-work, its feminist-Marxist background,
as well as consideration of several theoretical aspects (subjectification, memories,
experience and theory, collective deconstruction, person). Basic assumptions of
the memory-work are derived from previous discussion and presented separately.
The next section contains main directions of development and applications of the
methodology, considerations relevant for psychological topics, and comparison with
similar methodologies. Subsequent is the practical part of the paper, where the
basic guidance for research is offered through progressive sequencing of the research
phases. Finally, dilemmas regarding evaluation criteria for collective memory-work
are discussed. In the conclusion, the place and relevance of this methodology for
social-scientific and psychological research are summarized.
PB  - Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije
PB  - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Filozofskog fakulteta, Univerziteta u Beogradu
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Kolektivni rad sećanja: poreklo, teorijska razmatranja i praksa
T1  - Collective Memory-Work: Origins, Theoretical Considerations, and Practice
IS  - 1
VL  - 64
SP  - 94
EP  - 116
DO  - 10.2298/SOC2201094D
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Đorđević, Ana",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Predmet ovog rada je društveno-naučna metodologija kolektivni rad
sećanja i njena relevantnost za psihološka istraživanja. Osnovni cilj je da se ona
predstavi kroz razradu njenih istorijskih i teorijskih osnova i pretpostavki, kao i
praktičnih smernica za istraživanje. Od početne ideje do novije literature, odabrani
aspekti ove metodologije razmatraju se u sklopu određenih teorijskih okvira i
debata, uz prateće dileme, zbog čega rad ima polemički karakter. U uvodu se u
osnovnim crtama ističe značaj metodologije i samog rada, kao prvog razrađenog
pregleda ove teme na regionalnim jezicima. Potom, sledi istorijski osvrt na prvi
projekat kolektivnog rada sećanja, njegovo feminističko-marksističko zaleđe, kao i
na pojedine teorijske aspekte (subjektifikacija, sećanja, iskustvo i teorija, kolektivna
dekonstrukcija, osoba). Iz te diskusije izvučene su i odvojeno predstavljene osnovne
pretpostavke kolektivnog rada sećanja. Naredni odeljak sadrži glavne pravce
razvoja i primena, razmatranja od značaja za psihološke teme, kao i poređenje sa
sličnim metodologijama. Nakon toga sledi praktični deo rada gde se predstavljaju
osnovne smernice kroz progresivno navođenje faza istraživanja. Najzad, diskutuju
se dileme u pogledu kriterijuma za evaluaciju rada sećanja. U zaključku je još
jednom ocrtano mesto i značaj ove metodologije za društveno-naučna i psihološka
istraživanja., The subject of this paper is social-scientific methodology collective
memory-work and its relevance for psychological inquiry. The aim is to present it
through elaboration of its historical and theoretical foundations and assumptions,
as well as practical guidance for research. From the original idea until current
literature, chosen aspects of this methodology are considered within certain
theoretical frameworks and debates, with accompanying dilemmas, which is
why the paper has polemic character. Introduction outlines the relevance of this
methodology, as well as the relevance of the paper, as the first elaborated review
of this subject in regional languages. Next follows the historical look at the
pioneering project of collective memory-work, its feminist-Marxist background,
as well as consideration of several theoretical aspects (subjectification, memories,
experience and theory, collective deconstruction, person). Basic assumptions of
the memory-work are derived from previous discussion and presented separately.
The next section contains main directions of development and applications of the
methodology, considerations relevant for psychological topics, and comparison with
similar methodologies. Subsequent is the practical part of the paper, where the
basic guidance for research is offered through progressive sequencing of the research
phases. Finally, dilemmas regarding evaluation criteria for collective memory-work
are discussed. In the conclusion, the place and relevance of this methodology for
social-scientific and psychological research are summarized.",
publisher = "Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije, Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Filozofskog fakulteta, Univerziteta u Beogradu",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Kolektivni rad sećanja: poreklo, teorijska razmatranja i praksa, Collective Memory-Work: Origins, Theoretical Considerations, and Practice",
number = "1",
volume = "64",
pages = "94-116",
doi = "10.2298/SOC2201094D"
}
Đorđević, A.. (2022). Kolektivni rad sećanja: poreklo, teorijska razmatranja i praksa. in Sociologija
Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije., 64(1), 94-116.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201094D
Đorđević A. Kolektivni rad sećanja: poreklo, teorijska razmatranja i praksa. in Sociologija. 2022;64(1):94-116.
doi:10.2298/SOC2201094D .
Đorđević, Ana, "Kolektivni rad sećanja: poreklo, teorijska razmatranja i praksa" in Sociologija, 64, no. 1 (2022):94-116,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201094D . .

Providing a service or seeking a favor? The role of private prenatal care on the continuity of care in Serbian public maternity hospitals

Pantovic, Ljiljana

(Wiley, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pantovic, Ljiljana
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2527
AB  - Background: For pregnant and birthing women, maintaining a relationship
with the same health care practitioner is critical to establishing a sense of safety.
In postsocialist Serbia, where care is fragmented and depersonalized, this continuity is often missing. Patients are frequently handed over to new practitioners,
sometimes without even knowing the name of the person overseeing their care.
In response, many women turn to the private sector to keep the same practitioner
across their prenatal period and their birth by establishing a personal “connection” within the hospital that they believe will shield them from mistreatment
during childbirth.
Methods: Data presented in this paper were collected through participant observation in one public maternity hospital and one public primary care center in
Serbia; semistructured interviews with 14 physicians; and semistructured interviews with 80 women who had given birth in one public maternity hospital in
Serbia.
Results: Public maternity hospital physicians who supplement their income
working in the private sector have the power to blur the distinctions between
favors and services. They offer continuity of personalized care to their private
clients/patients once they enter the public system, and they themselves obtain
social and economic security unavailable to those working in only one sector.
At the same time, there is evidence that personalized continuity of care does not
actually shield women from mistreatment in hospitals.
Conclusions: The private sector is reshaping existing informal strategies and
blurring the lines between formal and informal payments. In the postsocialist
context, consumer practices are not separate from, but entangled with, informality. Neoliberalism has not brought about empowerment and eliminated informality, but has instead further exacerbated existing inequalities in maternity care in
Eastern Europe.
PB  - Wiley
T2  - Birth. Issues in Perinatal Care
T1  - Providing a service or seeking a favor? The role of private prenatal care on the continuity of care in Serbian public maternity hospitals
DO  - 10.1111/birt.12621
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Pantovic, Ljiljana",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Background: For pregnant and birthing women, maintaining a relationship
with the same health care practitioner is critical to establishing a sense of safety.
In postsocialist Serbia, where care is fragmented and depersonalized, this continuity is often missing. Patients are frequently handed over to new practitioners,
sometimes without even knowing the name of the person overseeing their care.
In response, many women turn to the private sector to keep the same practitioner
across their prenatal period and their birth by establishing a personal “connection” within the hospital that they believe will shield them from mistreatment
during childbirth.
Methods: Data presented in this paper were collected through participant observation in one public maternity hospital and one public primary care center in
Serbia; semistructured interviews with 14 physicians; and semistructured interviews with 80 women who had given birth in one public maternity hospital in
Serbia.
Results: Public maternity hospital physicians who supplement their income
working in the private sector have the power to blur the distinctions between
favors and services. They offer continuity of personalized care to their private
clients/patients once they enter the public system, and they themselves obtain
social and economic security unavailable to those working in only one sector.
At the same time, there is evidence that personalized continuity of care does not
actually shield women from mistreatment in hospitals.
Conclusions: The private sector is reshaping existing informal strategies and
blurring the lines between formal and informal payments. In the postsocialist
context, consumer practices are not separate from, but entangled with, informality. Neoliberalism has not brought about empowerment and eliminated informality, but has instead further exacerbated existing inequalities in maternity care in
Eastern Europe.",
publisher = "Wiley",
journal = "Birth. Issues in Perinatal Care",
title = "Providing a service or seeking a favor? The role of private prenatal care on the continuity of care in Serbian public maternity hospitals",
doi = "10.1111/birt.12621"
}
Pantovic, L.. (2022). Providing a service or seeking a favor? The role of private prenatal care on the continuity of care in Serbian public maternity hospitals. in Birth. Issues in Perinatal Care
Wiley..
https://doi.org/10.1111/birt.12621
Pantovic L. Providing a service or seeking a favor? The role of private prenatal care on the continuity of care in Serbian public maternity hospitals. in Birth. Issues in Perinatal Care. 2022;.
doi:10.1111/birt.12621 .
Pantovic, Ljiljana, "Providing a service or seeking a favor? The role of private prenatal care on the continuity of care in Serbian public maternity hospitals" in Birth. Issues in Perinatal Care (2022),
https://doi.org/10.1111/birt.12621 . .

Roman Courage and Constitution in Hegel's Philosophy of Right

Hristov, Đorđe

(Cambridge University Press, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Hristov, Đorđe
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2525
AB  - This article argues that the citizens of Hegel's state cannot maintain themselves as politically free because they are susceptible to mutual enslavement. I demonstrate this by focusing on the Roman republican background of Hegel's constitution, the potential trajectory of its dissolution and the accompanying means of its cyclical fortification through courage. Hegel, by integrating aspects of the Roman mixed constitution also adopts the idea of decadence within his conception of civil society. After locating the source of decadence in the contractual relations of peace and the bourgeois inability to overcome the fear of death, I go on to argue that war for Hegel provides a theatre where freedom may be regenerated through courage. However, I also show that modern wars do not provide sufficient means of perpetuating Hegel's constitution. To demonstrate this, I distinguish three forms of war: colonial, limited and total war, arguing that only the latter offers a solution to decay of political disposition and loss of freedom, but that—by being itself susceptible to decadence—it cannot salvage Hegel's state from dissolution and reduction to contractual relations.
PB  - Cambridge University Press
T2  - Hegel Bulletin
T1  - Roman Courage and Constitution in Hegel's Philosophy of Right
DO  - 10.1017/hgl.2022.2
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Hristov, Đorđe",
year = "2022",
abstract = "This article argues that the citizens of Hegel's state cannot maintain themselves as politically free because they are susceptible to mutual enslavement. I demonstrate this by focusing on the Roman republican background of Hegel's constitution, the potential trajectory of its dissolution and the accompanying means of its cyclical fortification through courage. Hegel, by integrating aspects of the Roman mixed constitution also adopts the idea of decadence within his conception of civil society. After locating the source of decadence in the contractual relations of peace and the bourgeois inability to overcome the fear of death, I go on to argue that war for Hegel provides a theatre where freedom may be regenerated through courage. However, I also show that modern wars do not provide sufficient means of perpetuating Hegel's constitution. To demonstrate this, I distinguish three forms of war: colonial, limited and total war, arguing that only the latter offers a solution to decay of political disposition and loss of freedom, but that—by being itself susceptible to decadence—it cannot salvage Hegel's state from dissolution and reduction to contractual relations.",
publisher = "Cambridge University Press",
journal = "Hegel Bulletin",
title = "Roman Courage and Constitution in Hegel's Philosophy of Right",
doi = "10.1017/hgl.2022.2"
}
Hristov, Đ.. (2022). Roman Courage and Constitution in Hegel's Philosophy of Right. in Hegel Bulletin
Cambridge University Press..
https://doi.org/10.1017/hgl.2022.2
Hristov Đ. Roman Courage and Constitution in Hegel's Philosophy of Right. in Hegel Bulletin. 2022;.
doi:10.1017/hgl.2022.2 .
Hristov, Đorđe, "Roman Courage and Constitution in Hegel's Philosophy of Right" in Hegel Bulletin (2022),
https://doi.org/10.1017/hgl.2022.2 . .
4

О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества

Bojanić, Petar

(Российской академии наук (Институт философии РАН), 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bojanić, Petar
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2523
AB  - В статье изложена версия эволюции института полиции, который исходно
являлся частью гражданского общества, а не государства. Несколько абза-
цев из лекций Гегеля по философии права становятся отправной точкой
данной реконструкции. Опираясь на высказанные в них идеи, автор объяс-
няет механизм возникновения полиции из деятельности граждан по уста-
навлению правил (протоколов) взаимодействия, надзор за которыми они
сообща ведут ради общего блага, – в этом, собственно, изначально и состо-
ит назначение полиции. Предлагаемая реконструкция может быть полезна
в двух аспектах. Во-первых, она указывает на постепенное вырождение ин-
ститута полиции, на превращение ее из института гражданского общества
в элемент системы государства и орган внешнего насилия, а следовательно,
на уменьшение участия граждан в деятельности надзора за соблюдением
общего блага и на превращение их в пассивный объект чуждого властного
воздействия. Во-вторых, данная реконструкция показывает, что различные
виды современной гражданской активности в области социальной полити-
ки (policy making) зарождались как часть первых полицейских протоколов
и связанных с ними действий.
AB  - The article presents a version of the evolution of the police institution, which
was originally part of civil society, not the state. A few paragraphs from
Hegel’s lectures on the philosophy of law become the starting point of this reconstruction.
Based on the ideas expressed in them, the author explains the
mechanism of the emergence of the police from the activities of citizens to establish
rules (protocols) of interaction, the supervision of which they jointly
conduct for the common good – this, in fact, is the purpose of the police ini -
tially. The proposed reconstruction can be useful in two aspects. Firstly, it
points to the gradual degeneration of the institution of the police, to its transformation
from an institution of civil society into an element of the state sys -
tem and an organ of external violence, and consequently, to a decrease in the
participation of citizens in the supervision of the observance of the common
good and their transformation into a passive object of alien power influence.
Secondly, this reconstruction shows that various types of modern civic activity
in the field of social policy (policy making) originated as part of the first police
protocols and related actions.
PB  - Российской академии наук (Институт философии РАН)
T2  - Вопросы философии
T1  - О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества
T1  - On the Metamorphosis of One Institution of Civil Society
IS  - 3
SP  - 34
EP  - 41
DO  - 10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-41
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bojanić, Petar",
year = "2022",
abstract = "В статье изложена версия эволюции института полиции, который исходно
являлся частью гражданского общества, а не государства. Несколько абза-
цев из лекций Гегеля по философии права становятся отправной точкой
данной реконструкции. Опираясь на высказанные в них идеи, автор объяс-
няет механизм возникновения полиции из деятельности граждан по уста-
навлению правил (протоколов) взаимодействия, надзор за которыми они
сообща ведут ради общего блага, – в этом, собственно, изначально и состо-
ит назначение полиции. Предлагаемая реконструкция может быть полезна
в двух аспектах. Во-первых, она указывает на постепенное вырождение ин-
ститута полиции, на превращение ее из института гражданского общества
в элемент системы государства и орган внешнего насилия, а следовательно,
на уменьшение участия граждан в деятельности надзора за соблюдением
общего блага и на превращение их в пассивный объект чуждого властного
воздействия. Во-вторых, данная реконструкция показывает, что различные
виды современной гражданской активности в области социальной полити-
ки (policy making) зарождались как часть первых полицейских протоколов
и связанных с ними действий., The article presents a version of the evolution of the police institution, which
was originally part of civil society, not the state. A few paragraphs from
Hegel’s lectures on the philosophy of law become the starting point of this reconstruction.
Based on the ideas expressed in them, the author explains the
mechanism of the emergence of the police from the activities of citizens to establish
rules (protocols) of interaction, the supervision of which they jointly
conduct for the common good – this, in fact, is the purpose of the police ini -
tially. The proposed reconstruction can be useful in two aspects. Firstly, it
points to the gradual degeneration of the institution of the police, to its transformation
from an institution of civil society into an element of the state sys -
tem and an organ of external violence, and consequently, to a decrease in the
participation of citizens in the supervision of the observance of the common
good and their transformation into a passive object of alien power influence.
Secondly, this reconstruction shows that various types of modern civic activity
in the field of social policy (policy making) originated as part of the first police
protocols and related actions.",
publisher = "Российской академии наук (Институт философии РАН)",
journal = "Вопросы философии",
title = "О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества, On the Metamorphosis of One Institution of Civil Society",
number = "3",
pages = "34-41",
doi = "10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-41"
}
Bojanić, P.. (2022). О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества. in Вопросы философии
Российской академии наук (Институт философии РАН).(3), 34-41.
https://doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-41
Bojanić P. О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества. in Вопросы философии. 2022;(3):34-41.
doi:10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-41 .
Bojanić, Petar, "О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества" in Вопросы философии, no. 3 (2022):34-41,
https://doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-41 . .

О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества

Bojanić, Petar

(Moskva: Российская академия наук, Институт философии РАН, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bojanić, Petar
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2499
AB  - В статье изложена версия эволюции института полиции, который, исходно
являлся частью гражданского общества, а не государства. Несколько абза цев из лекций Гегеля по философии права становятся отправной точкой
данной реконструкции. Опираясь на высказанные в них идеи, автор объяс няет механизм возникновения полиции из деятельности граждан по уста навлению правил (протоколов) взаимодействия, надзор за которыми они
сообща ведут ради общего блага, – в этом, собственно, изначально и состо ит назначение полиции. Предлагаемая реконструкция может быть полезна
в двух аспектах. Во-первых, она указывает на постепенное вырождение ин ститута полиции, на превращение ее из института гражданского общества
в элемент системы государства и орган внешнего насилия, а следовательно,
на уменьшение участия граждан в деятельности надзора за соблюдением
общего блага и на превращение их в пассивный объект чуждого властного
воздействия. Во-вторых, данная реконструкция показывает, что различные
виды современной гражданской активности в области социальной полити ки (policy making) зарождались как часть первых полицейских протоколов
и связанных с ними действий.
AB  - The article presents a version of the evolution of the police institution, which
was originally part of civil society, not the state. A few paragraphs from Hegel’s
lectures on the philosophy of law become the starting point of this reconstruc tion. Based on the ideas expressed in them, the author explains the mechanism of
the emergence of the police from the activities of citizens to establish rules (pro tocols) of interaction, the supervision of which they jointly conduct for the com mon good – this, in fact, is the purpose of the police initially. The proposed re construction can be useful in two aspects. Firstly, it points to the gradual
degeneration of the institution of the police, to its transformation from an institu tion of civil society into an element of the state system and an organ of external
violence, and consequently, to a decrease in the participation of citizens in the
supervision of the observance of the common good and their transformation into
a passive object of alien power influence. Secondly, this reconstruction shows
that various types of modern civic activity in the field of social policy (policy
making) originated as part of the first police protocols and related actions.
PB  - Moskva: Российская академия наук, Институт философии РАН
T2  - Вопросы философии
T1  - О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества
T1  - On the metamorphosis of one Institution of Civil Society
IS  - 3
SP  - 34
EP  - 42
DO  - 10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-40
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bojanić, Petar",
year = "2022",
abstract = "В статье изложена версия эволюции института полиции, который, исходно
являлся частью гражданского общества, а не государства. Несколько абза цев из лекций Гегеля по философии права становятся отправной точкой
данной реконструкции. Опираясь на высказанные в них идеи, автор объяс няет механизм возникновения полиции из деятельности граждан по уста навлению правил (протоколов) взаимодействия, надзор за которыми они
сообща ведут ради общего блага, – в этом, собственно, изначально и состо ит назначение полиции. Предлагаемая реконструкция может быть полезна
в двух аспектах. Во-первых, она указывает на постепенное вырождение ин ститута полиции, на превращение ее из института гражданского общества
в элемент системы государства и орган внешнего насилия, а следовательно,
на уменьшение участия граждан в деятельности надзора за соблюдением
общего блага и на превращение их в пассивный объект чуждого властного
воздействия. Во-вторых, данная реконструкция показывает, что различные
виды современной гражданской активности в области социальной полити ки (policy making) зарождались как часть первых полицейских протоколов
и связанных с ними действий., The article presents a version of the evolution of the police institution, which
was originally part of civil society, not the state. A few paragraphs from Hegel’s
lectures on the philosophy of law become the starting point of this reconstruc tion. Based on the ideas expressed in them, the author explains the mechanism of
the emergence of the police from the activities of citizens to establish rules (pro tocols) of interaction, the supervision of which they jointly conduct for the com mon good – this, in fact, is the purpose of the police initially. The proposed re construction can be useful in two aspects. Firstly, it points to the gradual
degeneration of the institution of the police, to its transformation from an institu tion of civil society into an element of the state system and an organ of external
violence, and consequently, to a decrease in the participation of citizens in the
supervision of the observance of the common good and their transformation into
a passive object of alien power influence. Secondly, this reconstruction shows
that various types of modern civic activity in the field of social policy (policy
making) originated as part of the first police protocols and related actions.",
publisher = "Moskva: Российская академия наук, Институт философии РАН",
journal = "Вопросы философии",
title = "О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества, On the metamorphosis of one Institution of Civil Society",
number = "3",
pages = "34-42",
doi = "10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-40"
}
Bojanić, P.. (2022). О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества. in Вопросы философии
Moskva: Российская академия наук, Институт философии РАН.(3), 34-42.
https://doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-40
Bojanić P. О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества. in Вопросы философии. 2022;(3):34-42.
doi:10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-40 .
Bojanić, Petar, "О метаморфозе одного института гражданского общества" in Вопросы философии, no. 3 (2022):34-42,
https://doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2022-3-34-40 . .

Baby (Not So) Friendly: Implementation of the Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative in Serbia

Pantovic, Ljiljana

(Springer, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pantovic, Ljiljana
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2489
AB  - The WHO and UNICEF launched The Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative (BFHI) in 1991 with the goal of promoting breastfeeding. Four years later, this initiative was adopted in Serbia (then Yugoslavia). Although Serbia has officially been a part of the BFHI for over 26 years, less than 13% of children are currently exclusively breastfed for the first 6 months of life. Drawing on interviews, observations and document review, this chapter offers ethnographic insight into why the BFHI in Serbia has met with little success. I argue that the principles and practices of the initiative to promote breastfeeding have been both thinly learned and thinly applied by healthcare workers and therefore have had little positive impact on women’s empowerment to breastfeed or the rates of breastfeeding in the country. I show how the global Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative implemented in Serbia in the early 1990s and the national level policies which renewed it in 2018 were severely constrained by social, political and economic conditions that hindered the uptake of the program by frontline health workers – namely the devastating effects of the civil war and international sanctions in the 1990s, and the deleterious effects of IMF policies on the Serbian healthcare system since the 2000s. The pressure of time due to high workloads, and understaffed hospitals, in combination with unsustainable national funds for implementation may contribute to the reality of the thin implementation of BFHI.
PB  - Springer
T2  - Anthropologies of Global Maternal and Reproductive Health
T1  - Baby (Not So) Friendly: Implementation of the Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative in Serbia
DO  - 10.1007/978-3-030-84514-8_2
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Pantovic, Ljiljana",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The WHO and UNICEF launched The Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative (BFHI) in 1991 with the goal of promoting breastfeeding. Four years later, this initiative was adopted in Serbia (then Yugoslavia). Although Serbia has officially been a part of the BFHI for over 26 years, less than 13% of children are currently exclusively breastfed for the first 6 months of life. Drawing on interviews, observations and document review, this chapter offers ethnographic insight into why the BFHI in Serbia has met with little success. I argue that the principles and practices of the initiative to promote breastfeeding have been both thinly learned and thinly applied by healthcare workers and therefore have had little positive impact on women’s empowerment to breastfeed or the rates of breastfeeding in the country. I show how the global Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative implemented in Serbia in the early 1990s and the national level policies which renewed it in 2018 were severely constrained by social, political and economic conditions that hindered the uptake of the program by frontline health workers – namely the devastating effects of the civil war and international sanctions in the 1990s, and the deleterious effects of IMF policies on the Serbian healthcare system since the 2000s. The pressure of time due to high workloads, and understaffed hospitals, in combination with unsustainable national funds for implementation may contribute to the reality of the thin implementation of BFHI.",
publisher = "Springer",
journal = "Anthropologies of Global Maternal and Reproductive Health",
booktitle = "Baby (Not So) Friendly: Implementation of the Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative in Serbia",
doi = "10.1007/978-3-030-84514-8_2"
}
Pantovic, L.. (2022). Baby (Not So) Friendly: Implementation of the Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative in Serbia. in Anthropologies of Global Maternal and Reproductive Health
Springer..
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84514-8_2
Pantovic L. Baby (Not So) Friendly: Implementation of the Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative in Serbia. in Anthropologies of Global Maternal and Reproductive Health. 2022;.
doi:10.1007/978-3-030-84514-8_2 .
Pantovic, Ljiljana, "Baby (Not So) Friendly: Implementation of the Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative in Serbia" in Anthropologies of Global Maternal and Reproductive Health (2022),
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84514-8_2 . .

Cicero and Hobbes on the Person of the State

Simendić, Marko

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Simendić, Marko
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1441
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2542
AB  - The importance of Thomas Hobbes’s account of personation and representation can hardly be overstated. And his intellectual debt to one of his classical foes, Marcus Tullius Cicero, can hardly be ignored. This paper compares Hobbes’s ideas on personhood of the state with Cicero’s notion of persona civitatis, and attempts to describe how Hobbes reshaped Cicero’s guidelines for (re)presenting legitimate authority into a prop for defending any effective authority. Hobbes absorbs Cicero’s influential argument and builds on the idea of civic representation as guardianship done by role-playing, while tearing down Cicero’s account’s ethical foundations. In contrast to Cicero’s magistrate, the social role of Hobbes’s sovereign is not scripted by ethical constrains: its purpose is not to restrict license, but to present it.
AB  - Teško je prenaglasiti važnost ideja Tomasa Hobsa o licu, ličnosti i predstavljaju. Takođe, teško je zanemariti dug koji u ovom pogledu Hobs ima prema jednom od svojih klasičnih suparnika, Marku Tuliju Ciceronu. U ovom radu poredim Hobsove ideje o ličnosti države sa Ciceronovim pojmom persone civitatis i nastojim da opišem kako je Hobs oblikovao Ciceronova uputstva za predstavljanje legitimne vladavine u mehanizam za odbranu bilo kakve efektivne vladavine. Hobs apsorbuje Ciceronovu uticajnu argumentaciju i razvija njegovu ideju političkog predstavljanja kao uloge i jedne vrste starateljstva, pri čemu uklanja etičke temelje Ciceronove teorije. Za razliku od uloge Ciceronovog magistrata, društvena uloga Hobsovog suverena nije uslovljena etičkim ograničenjima: njena svrha nije da ublaži samovolju dužnosnika već da joj pruži opravdanje.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - Cicero and Hobbes on the Person of the State
T1  - Ciceron i Hobs o ličnosti države
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 247
EP  - 262
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201247S%20
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Simendić, Marko",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The importance of Thomas Hobbes’s account of personation and representation can hardly be overstated. And his intellectual debt to one of his classical foes, Marcus Tullius Cicero, can hardly be ignored. This paper compares Hobbes’s ideas on personhood of the state with Cicero’s notion of persona civitatis, and attempts to describe how Hobbes reshaped Cicero’s guidelines for (re)presenting legitimate authority into a prop for defending any effective authority. Hobbes absorbs Cicero’s influential argument and builds on the idea of civic representation as guardianship done by role-playing, while tearing down Cicero’s account’s ethical foundations. In contrast to Cicero’s magistrate, the social role of Hobbes’s sovereign is not scripted by ethical constrains: its purpose is not to restrict license, but to present it., Teško je prenaglasiti važnost ideja Tomasa Hobsa o licu, ličnosti i predstavljaju. Takođe, teško je zanemariti dug koji u ovom pogledu Hobs ima prema jednom od svojih klasičnih suparnika, Marku Tuliju Ciceronu. U ovom radu poredim Hobsove ideje o ličnosti države sa Ciceronovim pojmom persone civitatis i nastojim da opišem kako je Hobs oblikovao Ciceronova uputstva za predstavljanje legitimne vladavine u mehanizam za odbranu bilo kakve efektivne vladavine. Hobs apsorbuje Ciceronovu uticajnu argumentaciju i razvija njegovu ideju političkog predstavljanja kao uloge i jedne vrste starateljstva, pri čemu uklanja etičke temelje Ciceronove teorije. Za razliku od uloge Ciceronovog magistrata, društvena uloga Hobsovog suverena nije uslovljena etičkim ograničenjima: njena svrha nije da ublaži samovolju dužnosnika već da joj pruži opravdanje.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "Cicero and Hobbes on the Person of the State, Ciceron i Hobs o ličnosti države",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "247-262",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201247S%20"
}
Simendić, M.. (2022). Cicero and Hobbes on the Person of the State. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 247-262.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201247S%20
Simendić M. Cicero and Hobbes on the Person of the State. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):247-262.
doi:10.2298/FID2201247S%20 .
Simendić, Marko, "Cicero and Hobbes on the Person of the State" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):247-262,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201247S%20 . .

The Relevance of Philosophy in Times of the Coronavirus Crisis

Pavličić, Jelena; Petrović, Marija; Smajević Roljić, Milica

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavličić, Jelena
AU  - Petrović, Marija
AU  - Smajević Roljić, Milica
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1440
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2541
AB  - The current coronavirus pandemic (SARS-CoV-2) has presented many scientific disciplines, including philosophy, with various theoretical and practical challenges. In this paper, we deal with three philosophical issues related to the pandemic and specific approaches to them. The first part of the article is dedicated to the analysis of the term “expert,” whose significance was highlighted at the outbreak of the pandemic. By examining Plato’s ancient and Goldman’s modern understanding of this concept, we will try to emphasize the importance of expert opinion in crisis circumstances. In the second part of the paper, we will deal with the issue of public mistrust of scientific authorities as well as the problem of the flourishing of so-called conspiracy theories. Goldenberg’s and Cassam’s approach to this topic will help us see where the source of these problems might lie and what potentially harmful consequences they can produce. In the third part of the text, we list some of the main moral dilemmas we have faced since the beginning of the pandemic. Special attention is paid to Kant’s moral philosophy in which we find advice on how an individual should act in times of crisis.
AB  - Aktuelna pandemija virusa korona (SARS-CoV-2) suočila je brojne naučne discipline, među njima i filozofiju, sa različitim teorijskim i praktičnim izazovima. U ovom radu razmotrićemo tri filozofska pitanja povezana sa pandemijom i tri odgovarajuća pristupa njihovom rešavanju. Prvi deo rada biće posvećen analizi pojma „ekspert“, čiji je značaj naglašen u vreme izbijanja pandemije. Ispitujuć i Platonovo antičko i Goldmanovo (Goldman) moderno shvatanje ovog pojma, pokušać emo da istaknemo značaj stručnog mišljenja u kriznim okolnostima. U drugom delu rada bavić emo se pitanjem nepoverenja javnosti u naučne autoritete, kao i problemom ekspanzije takozvanih „teorija zavere“. Goldenbergov (Goldenberg) i Kasamov (Cassam) pristup ovoj temi ć e nam pomoć i da uočimo izvor ovih problema i potencijalno štetne posledice do kojih mogu da dovedu. U treć em delu teksta navešć emo neke od glavnih moralnih dilema sa kojima smo bili suočeni od početka pandemije. Posebna pažnja bić e posveć ena Kantovoj moralnoj filozofiji, koja nam može pružiti savete kako pojedinac treba da se ponaša u svakodnevnim životnim situacijama tokom krize.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - The Relevance of Philosophy in Times of the Coronavirus Crisis
T1  - Relevantnost filozofije u doba korone
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 233
EP  - 246
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201233
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Pavličić, Jelena and Petrović, Marija and Smajević Roljić, Milica",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The current coronavirus pandemic (SARS-CoV-2) has presented many scientific disciplines, including philosophy, with various theoretical and practical challenges. In this paper, we deal with three philosophical issues related to the pandemic and specific approaches to them. The first part of the article is dedicated to the analysis of the term “expert,” whose significance was highlighted at the outbreak of the pandemic. By examining Plato’s ancient and Goldman’s modern understanding of this concept, we will try to emphasize the importance of expert opinion in crisis circumstances. In the second part of the paper, we will deal with the issue of public mistrust of scientific authorities as well as the problem of the flourishing of so-called conspiracy theories. Goldenberg’s and Cassam’s approach to this topic will help us see where the source of these problems might lie and what potentially harmful consequences they can produce. In the third part of the text, we list some of the main moral dilemmas we have faced since the beginning of the pandemic. Special attention is paid to Kant’s moral philosophy in which we find advice on how an individual should act in times of crisis., Aktuelna pandemija virusa korona (SARS-CoV-2) suočila je brojne naučne discipline, među njima i filozofiju, sa različitim teorijskim i praktičnim izazovima. U ovom radu razmotrićemo tri filozofska pitanja povezana sa pandemijom i tri odgovarajuća pristupa njihovom rešavanju. Prvi deo rada biće posvećen analizi pojma „ekspert“, čiji je značaj naglašen u vreme izbijanja pandemije. Ispitujuć i Platonovo antičko i Goldmanovo (Goldman) moderno shvatanje ovog pojma, pokušać emo da istaknemo značaj stručnog mišljenja u kriznim okolnostima. U drugom delu rada bavić emo se pitanjem nepoverenja javnosti u naučne autoritete, kao i problemom ekspanzije takozvanih „teorija zavere“. Goldenbergov (Goldenberg) i Kasamov (Cassam) pristup ovoj temi ć e nam pomoć i da uočimo izvor ovih problema i potencijalno štetne posledice do kojih mogu da dovedu. U treć em delu teksta navešć emo neke od glavnih moralnih dilema sa kojima smo bili suočeni od početka pandemije. Posebna pažnja bić e posveć ena Kantovoj moralnoj filozofiji, koja nam može pružiti savete kako pojedinac treba da se ponaša u svakodnevnim životnim situacijama tokom krize.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "The Relevance of Philosophy in Times of the Coronavirus Crisis, Relevantnost filozofije u doba korone",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "233-246",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201233"
}
Pavličić, J., Petrović, M.,& Smajević Roljić, M.. (2022). The Relevance of Philosophy in Times of the Coronavirus Crisis. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 233-246.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201233
Pavličić J, Petrović M, Smajević Roljić M. The Relevance of Philosophy in Times of the Coronavirus Crisis. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):233-246.
doi:10.2298/FID2201233 .
Pavličić, Jelena, Petrović, Marija, Smajević Roljić, Milica, "The Relevance of Philosophy in Times of the Coronavirus Crisis" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):233-246,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201233 . .

Animal Dignity and Sympathetic Imagination: Martha Nussbaum and an Analysis of the Treatment of Non-human Animals

Martinić, Iva

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Martinić, Iva
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1439
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2540
AB  - In this paper, I analyse Martha Nussbaum’s view of how we should treat non-human animals, which she links to her capabilities approach. This approach offers a conception of justice or, as Nussbaum puts it, a collection of fundamental rights that specify some of the necessary elements for a just society. In addition to justice for human beings, this approach includes animal rights. The basis for the discussion consists of two elements that justify the claim that every animal deserves to live a life that is characteristic of a member of its species. The first element is dignity, and the second is sympathetic imagination. The intention of Nussbaum’s approach is to represent an improvement on the social contract tradition (in particular, in the Rawlsian version), by offering a more encompassing theory of justice. In her view, the capabilities approach, contrary to the theories of social contract, has principled resources that allow it to include, among else, non-human-animals in the domain of justice. However, the contribution of my paper consists in showing the problems I observe in Nussbaum’s theory. These problems are related to the insufficient definition of basic concepts and to the fact that in Nussbaum’s theory, non-human animals remain, across various situations, only a means of serving human needs. The consequence is that non-human-animals are not included in the domain of justice which, after all, is Nussbaum’s fundamental ambition.
AB  - U ovom radu analiziram stav Marthe Nusbaum o tome kako bismo se trebali odnositi prema ne-ljudskim životinjama, što ona povezuje sa svojim pristupom sposobnosti. Ovaj pristup nudi koncepciju pravde, ili, kako to Nusbaum navodi, zbirku temeljnih prava koja specifikuju neke od nužnih elemenata za pravedno društvo. Osim pravde za ljudska bića, ovaj pristup uključuje i prava životinja. Osnovu za raspravu čine dva elementa koji opravdavaju tvrdnju da svaka životinja zaslužuje živeti životom koji je karakterističan za pripadnika svoje vrste. Prvi element je dostojanstvo, a drugi je saosećajno zamišljanje. Namjera Nusbauminog pristupa je predstavljati poboljšanje tradicije društvenog ugovora (posebno u Rolsovoj verziji), nudeći sveobuhvatniju teoriju pravde. Prema njenom mišljenju, pristup sposobnosti, suprotno teorijama društvenog ugovora, ima principijelne resurse za uključivanje, između ostalog, ne-ljudskih životinja u domenu pravde. Međutim, ne mislim da ona u potpunosti postiže ovaj cilj. Doprinos mog rada sastoji se u prikazu problema koje opažam u Nusbauminoj teoriji. Ti se problemi odnose na nedovoljnu definisanost temeljnih pojmova i, pre svega, na činjenicu da ne-ljudske životinje, u kontekstu Nusbaumine teorije, u različitim situacijama i dalje ostaju samo sredstvo služenja ljudskim potrebama. Posledica je da ne-ljudske životinje ipak nisu uključene u domen pravde, što je Nusbaumina temeljna ambicija.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - Animal Dignity and Sympathetic Imagination: Martha Nussbaum and an Analysis of the Treatment of Non-human Animals
T1  - Dostojanstvo ne-ljudskih životinja i saosećajno zamišljanje: Marta Nusbaum i analiza postupanja prema ne-ljudskim životinjama
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 218
EP  - 232
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201218
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Martinić, Iva",
year = "2022",
abstract = "In this paper, I analyse Martha Nussbaum’s view of how we should treat non-human animals, which she links to her capabilities approach. This approach offers a conception of justice or, as Nussbaum puts it, a collection of fundamental rights that specify some of the necessary elements for a just society. In addition to justice for human beings, this approach includes animal rights. The basis for the discussion consists of two elements that justify the claim that every animal deserves to live a life that is characteristic of a member of its species. The first element is dignity, and the second is sympathetic imagination. The intention of Nussbaum’s approach is to represent an improvement on the social contract tradition (in particular, in the Rawlsian version), by offering a more encompassing theory of justice. In her view, the capabilities approach, contrary to the theories of social contract, has principled resources that allow it to include, among else, non-human-animals in the domain of justice. However, the contribution of my paper consists in showing the problems I observe in Nussbaum’s theory. These problems are related to the insufficient definition of basic concepts and to the fact that in Nussbaum’s theory, non-human animals remain, across various situations, only a means of serving human needs. The consequence is that non-human-animals are not included in the domain of justice which, after all, is Nussbaum’s fundamental ambition., U ovom radu analiziram stav Marthe Nusbaum o tome kako bismo se trebali odnositi prema ne-ljudskim životinjama, što ona povezuje sa svojim pristupom sposobnosti. Ovaj pristup nudi koncepciju pravde, ili, kako to Nusbaum navodi, zbirku temeljnih prava koja specifikuju neke od nužnih elemenata za pravedno društvo. Osim pravde za ljudska bića, ovaj pristup uključuje i prava životinja. Osnovu za raspravu čine dva elementa koji opravdavaju tvrdnju da svaka životinja zaslužuje živeti životom koji je karakterističan za pripadnika svoje vrste. Prvi element je dostojanstvo, a drugi je saosećajno zamišljanje. Namjera Nusbauminog pristupa je predstavljati poboljšanje tradicije društvenog ugovora (posebno u Rolsovoj verziji), nudeći sveobuhvatniju teoriju pravde. Prema njenom mišljenju, pristup sposobnosti, suprotno teorijama društvenog ugovora, ima principijelne resurse za uključivanje, između ostalog, ne-ljudskih životinja u domenu pravde. Međutim, ne mislim da ona u potpunosti postiže ovaj cilj. Doprinos mog rada sastoji se u prikazu problema koje opažam u Nusbauminoj teoriji. Ti se problemi odnose na nedovoljnu definisanost temeljnih pojmova i, pre svega, na činjenicu da ne-ljudske životinje, u kontekstu Nusbaumine teorije, u različitim situacijama i dalje ostaju samo sredstvo služenja ljudskim potrebama. Posledica je da ne-ljudske životinje ipak nisu uključene u domen pravde, što je Nusbaumina temeljna ambicija.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "Animal Dignity and Sympathetic Imagination: Martha Nussbaum and an Analysis of the Treatment of Non-human Animals, Dostojanstvo ne-ljudskih životinja i saosećajno zamišljanje: Marta Nusbaum i analiza postupanja prema ne-ljudskim životinjama",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "218-232",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201218"
}
Martinić, I.. (2022). Animal Dignity and Sympathetic Imagination: Martha Nussbaum and an Analysis of the Treatment of Non-human Animals. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 218-232.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201218
Martinić I. Animal Dignity and Sympathetic Imagination: Martha Nussbaum and an Analysis of the Treatment of Non-human Animals. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):218-232.
doi:10.2298/FID2201218 .
Martinić, Iva, "Animal Dignity and Sympathetic Imagination: Martha Nussbaum and an Analysis of the Treatment of Non-human Animals" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):218-232,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201218 . .

Nature and Food Commodification. Food Sovereignty: Rethinking the Relation between Human and Nature

Porcheddu, Federica

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Porcheddu, Federica
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1438
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2539
AB  - The article aims to explore the link between commodification of nature and commodification of food. The latter is in fact one of the most negative and controversial aspects of nature commodification. The examination of food commodification represents fertile ground for investigating the relationship between humans and nature. In this context, food sovereignty provides a useful paradigm that not only serves as an alternative to the current food regime, but also allows for the experiencing a different kind of relationship between humans and nature. Food sovereignty represents a unique social movement in which community, political, and cultural rights are intertwined with the issue of food. Through its multidisciplinary approach and its strongly ethical component, food sovereignty constitutes an opportunity in order to contrast the progressive commodification of nature and of the environment.
AB  - Ovaj članak ima za cilj da istraži vezu između komodifikacije prirode i komodifikacije hrane. Komodifikacija hrane je u stvari jedan od najnegativnijih i najkontroverznijih aspekata komodifikacije prirode. Ispitivanje komodifikacije hrane predstavlja plodno tlo za istraživanje odnosa između čoveka i prirode. U ovom kontekstu, prehrambeni suverenitet predstavlja korisnu paradigmu koja ne samo da služi kao alternativa trenutnom režimu ishrane, već koja takođe omogućava da se iskusi drugačija vrsta odnosa između ljudi i prirode. Prehrambeni suverenitet predstavlja jedinstven društveni pokret u kojem su prava zajednice, kao i politička i kulturna prava isprepletena sa pitanjem hrane. Svojim multidisciplinarnim pristupom i snažnom etičkom komponentom, prehrambeni suverenitet predstavlja priliku da se suprotstavi narastućoj komodifikaciji prirode i okruženja.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - Nature and Food Commodification. Food Sovereignty: Rethinking the Relation between Human and Nature
T1  - Priroda i komodifikacija hrane. Prehrambeni suverenitet: promišljanje odnosa između čoveka i prirode
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 189
EP  - 217
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201189P
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Porcheddu, Federica",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The article aims to explore the link between commodification of nature and commodification of food. The latter is in fact one of the most negative and controversial aspects of nature commodification. The examination of food commodification represents fertile ground for investigating the relationship between humans and nature. In this context, food sovereignty provides a useful paradigm that not only serves as an alternative to the current food regime, but also allows for the experiencing a different kind of relationship between humans and nature. Food sovereignty represents a unique social movement in which community, political, and cultural rights are intertwined with the issue of food. Through its multidisciplinary approach and its strongly ethical component, food sovereignty constitutes an opportunity in order to contrast the progressive commodification of nature and of the environment., Ovaj članak ima za cilj da istraži vezu između komodifikacije prirode i komodifikacije hrane. Komodifikacija hrane je u stvari jedan od najnegativnijih i najkontroverznijih aspekata komodifikacije prirode. Ispitivanje komodifikacije hrane predstavlja plodno tlo za istraživanje odnosa između čoveka i prirode. U ovom kontekstu, prehrambeni suverenitet predstavlja korisnu paradigmu koja ne samo da služi kao alternativa trenutnom režimu ishrane, već koja takođe omogućava da se iskusi drugačija vrsta odnosa između ljudi i prirode. Prehrambeni suverenitet predstavlja jedinstven društveni pokret u kojem su prava zajednice, kao i politička i kulturna prava isprepletena sa pitanjem hrane. Svojim multidisciplinarnim pristupom i snažnom etičkom komponentom, prehrambeni suverenitet predstavlja priliku da se suprotstavi narastućoj komodifikaciji prirode i okruženja.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "Nature and Food Commodification. Food Sovereignty: Rethinking the Relation between Human and Nature, Priroda i komodifikacija hrane. Prehrambeni suverenitet: promišljanje odnosa između čoveka i prirode",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "189-217",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201189P"
}
Porcheddu, F.. (2022). Nature and Food Commodification. Food Sovereignty: Rethinking the Relation between Human and Nature. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 189-217.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201189P
Porcheddu F. Nature and Food Commodification. Food Sovereignty: Rethinking the Relation between Human and Nature. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):189-217.
doi:10.2298/FID2201189P .
Porcheddu, Federica, "Nature and Food Commodification. Food Sovereignty: Rethinking the Relation between Human and Nature" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):189-217,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201189P . .

The Revolution that Ate Its own Children: The Colourful Revolution from Consensus to Discord

Markovikj, Nenad; Damjanovski, Ivan

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Markovikj, Nenad
AU  - Damjanovski, Ivan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1437
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2538
AB  - The main goal of this essay is to provide an in-depth analysis of the trajectory of the Colourful Revolution (CR) in North Macedonia as a social movement. From a more general perspective, the paper engages with the growing interest in the literature that explores the correlation between social movements and democratisation processes, especially in societies that fall into the category of hybrid regimes. The Colourful Revolution is a good example of a protest movement that has created effective regime change. It presented a complex social movement encompassing many fragmented social and political groups gathered around the idea of a common adversary. 

Additionally, the Colourful Revolution has one particularity: it is a social movement that has undergone a full developmental circle – formation through utilization of political opportunity frameworks, a period of activity and success and dissolution. Drawing on literature of the political process, opportunity frameworks and cycles of social movements, the paper argues that social movements such as the Colourful Revolution are not just temporary and unstable structures but are also highly dependent on the existence of a common target of the social activism in question. The removal from power of political actors that have been the reason for mobilisation of a complex and diverse network of social and political activism resulted in an absence of an adhesive factor holding together all the parts of this complex system. The absence initiated gradual discord and dissolution of different factions within the social movement (CR in this case) and reveals its true nature – temporary, ideologically diverse, conflictual, and even undemocratic in some respects.
AB  - Glavni cilj ovog rada jeste da pruži detaljnu analizu putanje Šarene revolucije (ŠR) u Severnoj Makedoniji kao društvenog pokreta. Iz opštije perspektive, rad se bavi rastućim interesovanjem za literaturu koja istražuje korelaciju između društvenih pokreta i procesa demokratizacije, pogotovo u društvima koja spadaju u kategoriju hibridnih režima. Šarena revolucija predstavlja dobar primer protestnog pokreta koji je stvorio efektivnu promenu režima. Predstavljala je, tačnije, složen društveni pokret koji je obuhvatio mnoge fragmentirane društvene i političke grupe koje su se okupile oko ideje postojanja zajedničkog protivnika.
Povrh ovoga, Šarena revolucija ima jednu posebnost. To je, naime, društveni pokret koji je prošao pun razvojni krug: formiranje kroz korišćenje političkih prilika, period aktivnosti i uspeha, te period raspada. Oslanjajući se na literaturu o političkom procesu, okvirima mogućnosti i ciklusima društvenih pokreta, u ovom radu se tvrdi da društveni pokreti poput Šarene revolucije nisu samo privremene i nestabilne strukture, već da oni u značajnoj meri zavise od postojanja zajedničke mete društvenog aktivizma. Uklanjanje sa vlasti političkih aktera koji su bili razlog za mobilizaciju složene i raznolike mreže društvenog i političkog aktivizma rezultiralo je odsustvom spajajućeg faktora koji drži na okupu sve delove ovog složenog sistema. Ovo odsustvo pokrenulo je postepeni razdor i raspadanje različitih frakcija unutar društvenog pokreta (u ovom slučaju ŠR), te je otkrilo njegovu pravu prirodu – privremenu, ideološki raznoliku, konfliktnu, pa čak i nedemokratsku u nekim aspektima.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - The Revolution that Ate Its own Children: The Colourful Revolution from Consensus to Discord
T1  - Revolucija koja je pojela svoju decu: Šarena revolucija od konsenzusa do razdora
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 162
EP  - 186
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201162M
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Markovikj, Nenad and Damjanovski, Ivan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The main goal of this essay is to provide an in-depth analysis of the trajectory of the Colourful Revolution (CR) in North Macedonia as a social movement. From a more general perspective, the paper engages with the growing interest in the literature that explores the correlation between social movements and democratisation processes, especially in societies that fall into the category of hybrid regimes. The Colourful Revolution is a good example of a protest movement that has created effective regime change. It presented a complex social movement encompassing many fragmented social and political groups gathered around the idea of a common adversary. 

Additionally, the Colourful Revolution has one particularity: it is a social movement that has undergone a full developmental circle – formation through utilization of political opportunity frameworks, a period of activity and success and dissolution. Drawing on literature of the political process, opportunity frameworks and cycles of social movements, the paper argues that social movements such as the Colourful Revolution are not just temporary and unstable structures but are also highly dependent on the existence of a common target of the social activism in question. The removal from power of political actors that have been the reason for mobilisation of a complex and diverse network of social and political activism resulted in an absence of an adhesive factor holding together all the parts of this complex system. The absence initiated gradual discord and dissolution of different factions within the social movement (CR in this case) and reveals its true nature – temporary, ideologically diverse, conflictual, and even undemocratic in some respects., Glavni cilj ovog rada jeste da pruži detaljnu analizu putanje Šarene revolucije (ŠR) u Severnoj Makedoniji kao društvenog pokreta. Iz opštije perspektive, rad se bavi rastućim interesovanjem za literaturu koja istražuje korelaciju između društvenih pokreta i procesa demokratizacije, pogotovo u društvima koja spadaju u kategoriju hibridnih režima. Šarena revolucija predstavlja dobar primer protestnog pokreta koji je stvorio efektivnu promenu režima. Predstavljala je, tačnije, složen društveni pokret koji je obuhvatio mnoge fragmentirane društvene i političke grupe koje su se okupile oko ideje postojanja zajedničkog protivnika.
Povrh ovoga, Šarena revolucija ima jednu posebnost. To je, naime, društveni pokret koji je prošao pun razvojni krug: formiranje kroz korišćenje političkih prilika, period aktivnosti i uspeha, te period raspada. Oslanjajući se na literaturu o političkom procesu, okvirima mogućnosti i ciklusima društvenih pokreta, u ovom radu se tvrdi da društveni pokreti poput Šarene revolucije nisu samo privremene i nestabilne strukture, već da oni u značajnoj meri zavise od postojanja zajedničke mete društvenog aktivizma. Uklanjanje sa vlasti političkih aktera koji su bili razlog za mobilizaciju složene i raznolike mreže društvenog i političkog aktivizma rezultiralo je odsustvom spajajućeg faktora koji drži na okupu sve delove ovog složenog sistema. Ovo odsustvo pokrenulo je postepeni razdor i raspadanje različitih frakcija unutar društvenog pokreta (u ovom slučaju ŠR), te je otkrilo njegovu pravu prirodu – privremenu, ideološki raznoliku, konfliktnu, pa čak i nedemokratsku u nekim aspektima.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "The Revolution that Ate Its own Children: The Colourful Revolution from Consensus to Discord, Revolucija koja je pojela svoju decu: Šarena revolucija od konsenzusa do razdora",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "162-186",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201162M"
}
Markovikj, N.,& Damjanovski, I.. (2022). The Revolution that Ate Its own Children: The Colourful Revolution from Consensus to Discord. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 162-186.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201162M
Markovikj N, Damjanovski I. The Revolution that Ate Its own Children: The Colourful Revolution from Consensus to Discord. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):162-186.
doi:10.2298/FID2201162M .
Markovikj, Nenad, Damjanovski, Ivan, "The Revolution that Ate Its own Children: The Colourful Revolution from Consensus to Discord" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):162-186,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201162M . .

The Social Movement for Truth and Justice – Pragmatic Alliance-building with Political Parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Repovac Nikšić, Valida; Hasanović, Jasmin; Adilović, Emina; Kapidžić, Damir

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Repovac Nikšić, Valida
AU  - Hasanović, Jasmin
AU  - Adilović, Emina
AU  - Kapidžić, Damir
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1436
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2537
AB  - Protests among citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are becoming more frequent. Most often, their aim is to decry the dysfunctionality and opacity of the government, which are the result of the ethno-political structure created by the Dayton Agreement, but also a trend towards democratic regression and autocracy. A number of authors have tackled the “JMBG” protests of 2013 and the Plenums that emerged from the February 2014 protests, from their particular disciplines. The focus of this paper is the social movement “Justice for Dženan,” organized by the Memić family upon the tragic death of Dženan Memić in Sarajevo in February 2016. An in-depth study was conducted with key actors of the movement, as well as those who follow or in some way support the protests. Particular emphasis in the research was paid to the pragmatic symbiosis of the social movement and one political party. We argue that it is possible to identify a pragmatic symbiosis as a novel form (democratic innovation) of socio-political cooperation that can impede rising autocratization. Through the quest for accountability, social movements are introducing new strategic practices of mobilization and a novel type of alliance-building with external factors (new political parties as well as other social movements). The goal of the paper is to explore how the social movement “Justice for Dženan” interacts with political parties and approach the political sphere in BiH. Also, the idea is to examine the possibilities and functionality of this kind of cooperation with the framework of contentious politics.
AB  - Protesti građana Bosne i Hercegovine su sve prisutniji. Najčešće im je cilj osuditi nefunkcionalnost i netransparentnost vlasti, koji su rezultat etnopolitičke strukture stvorene Dejtonskim mirovnim sporazumom, ali i trenda demokratskog nazadovanja i autokratije. Određeni broj autora bavio se protestima “JMBG” 2013. i plenumima koji su proizašli iz protesta u februaru 2014. godine, iz ugla svojih disciplina. U fokusu ovog rada je društveni pokret “Pravda za Dženana” koji je organizovala porodica Memić nakon tragične smrti Dženana Memića u Sarajevu u februaru 2016. godine. Provedeno je dubinsko istraživanje s ključnim akterima pokreta, kao i onima koji prate ili na neki način podržavaju proteste. Poseban naglasak istraživanja stavljen je na pragmatičnu simbiozu društvenog pokreta i jedne političke stranke. Tvrdimo da je pragmatičnu simbiozu moguće identifikovati kao novi oblik (demokratske inovacije) društveno-političke saradnje koji može sprečiti rastuću autokratizaciju. Kroz potragu za odgovornošću, društveni pokreti uvode nove strateške prakse mobilizacije i novu vrstu izgradnje saveza s vanjskim faktorima (nove političke stranke kao i drugi društveni pokreti). Cilj rada je istražiti kako društveni pokret “Pravda za Dženana” stupa u interakciju s političkom strankom i pristupa političkoj sferi u BiH. Takođe, ideja je ispitati mogućnosti i funkcionalnost ovakve saradnje u teorijskim okvirima politike osporavanja.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - The Social Movement for Truth and Justice – Pragmatic Alliance-building with Political Parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina
T1  - Društveni pokret za istinu i pravdu – Pragmatično stvaranje saveza sa političkim strankama u Bosni i Hercegovini
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 143
EP  - 161
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201143R
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Repovac Nikšić, Valida and Hasanović, Jasmin and Adilović, Emina and Kapidžić, Damir",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Protests among citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are becoming more frequent. Most often, their aim is to decry the dysfunctionality and opacity of the government, which are the result of the ethno-political structure created by the Dayton Agreement, but also a trend towards democratic regression and autocracy. A number of authors have tackled the “JMBG” protests of 2013 and the Plenums that emerged from the February 2014 protests, from their particular disciplines. The focus of this paper is the social movement “Justice for Dženan,” organized by the Memić family upon the tragic death of Dženan Memić in Sarajevo in February 2016. An in-depth study was conducted with key actors of the movement, as well as those who follow or in some way support the protests. Particular emphasis in the research was paid to the pragmatic symbiosis of the social movement and one political party. We argue that it is possible to identify a pragmatic symbiosis as a novel form (democratic innovation) of socio-political cooperation that can impede rising autocratization. Through the quest for accountability, social movements are introducing new strategic practices of mobilization and a novel type of alliance-building with external factors (new political parties as well as other social movements). The goal of the paper is to explore how the social movement “Justice for Dženan” interacts with political parties and approach the political sphere in BiH. Also, the idea is to examine the possibilities and functionality of this kind of cooperation with the framework of contentious politics., Protesti građana Bosne i Hercegovine su sve prisutniji. Najčešće im je cilj osuditi nefunkcionalnost i netransparentnost vlasti, koji su rezultat etnopolitičke strukture stvorene Dejtonskim mirovnim sporazumom, ali i trenda demokratskog nazadovanja i autokratije. Određeni broj autora bavio se protestima “JMBG” 2013. i plenumima koji su proizašli iz protesta u februaru 2014. godine, iz ugla svojih disciplina. U fokusu ovog rada je društveni pokret “Pravda za Dženana” koji je organizovala porodica Memić nakon tragične smrti Dženana Memića u Sarajevu u februaru 2016. godine. Provedeno je dubinsko istraživanje s ključnim akterima pokreta, kao i onima koji prate ili na neki način podržavaju proteste. Poseban naglasak istraživanja stavljen je na pragmatičnu simbiozu društvenog pokreta i jedne političke stranke. Tvrdimo da je pragmatičnu simbiozu moguće identifikovati kao novi oblik (demokratske inovacije) društveno-političke saradnje koji može sprečiti rastuću autokratizaciju. Kroz potragu za odgovornošću, društveni pokreti uvode nove strateške prakse mobilizacije i novu vrstu izgradnje saveza s vanjskim faktorima (nove političke stranke kao i drugi društveni pokreti). Cilj rada je istražiti kako društveni pokret “Pravda za Dženana” stupa u interakciju s političkom strankom i pristupa političkoj sferi u BiH. Takođe, ideja je ispitati mogućnosti i funkcionalnost ovakve saradnje u teorijskim okvirima politike osporavanja.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "The Social Movement for Truth and Justice – Pragmatic Alliance-building with Political Parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Društveni pokret za istinu i pravdu – Pragmatično stvaranje saveza sa političkim strankama u Bosni i Hercegovini",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "143-161",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201143R"
}
Repovac Nikšić, V., Hasanović, J., Adilović, E.,& Kapidžić, D.. (2022). The Social Movement for Truth and Justice – Pragmatic Alliance-building with Political Parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 143-161.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201143R
Repovac Nikšić V, Hasanović J, Adilović E, Kapidžić D. The Social Movement for Truth and Justice – Pragmatic Alliance-building with Political Parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):143-161.
doi:10.2298/FID2201143R .
Repovac Nikšić, Valida, Hasanović, Jasmin, Adilović, Emina, Kapidžić, Damir, "The Social Movement for Truth and Justice – Pragmatic Alliance-building with Political Parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):143-161,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201143R . .

From Deliberation to Participation: Democratic Commitments and the Paradox of Voting

Šoć, Andrija

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Šoć, Andrija
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1434
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2535
AB  - In this paper, I examine the view that, surprisingly, the more citizens deliberate about politics, the less likely they are to participate in the realm of the political, and vice versa. In the first part of the paper, I approach the problem from the perspective of the paradox of voting, the claim that voting itself is instrumentally irrational because of the very low probability that a single vote will make any difference at the elections. In the second part of the paper, I argue that rather than analyzing voting instrumentally, it is better to view it as part of the civic commitments that constitute what it means to be a citizen in a democratic society. The act of voting is not primarily an individual’s attempt to decisively influence any particular outcome, but an affirmation of the key practice that upholds the democratic society in which citizens play a part. This reveals a meta-paradox of voting. Namely, to not vote is to exhibit a type of behavior that implies acceptance of democracy simultaneously with rejecting its defining component. Because of that, I will claim, not voting is itself irrational. In light of that conclusion, in the third part of the paper, I explore the extant divide between deliberation and participation by referring back to the analysis of civic commitments. Whereas participation without deliberating reveals ideological bias, deliberation without participation expresses a lack of understanding of what it means to be a citizen. The way to connect them is to engage in a process of attaining reflective equilibrium between the two, starting from the practice of deliberation that would be fully informed by the awareness of our democratic commitments and disconnected from ideologically motivated participation.
AB  - U ovom gradu, ispitujem gledište prema kom, iznenađujuće, što se češće građani upuštaju u političku deliberaciju, to su manje skloni političkoj participaciji, i obrnuto. U prvom delu rada, razmatram ovaj problem iz ugla paradoksa glasanja, teze da je sam akt glasanja instrumentalno iracionalan pošto postoji jako mala verovatnoća da jedan glas napravi bilo kakvu razliku na izborima. U drugom delu rada, tvrdiću da, umesto da glasanje analiziramo instrumentalno, bolje je da ga posmatramo kao deo građanskih obaveza koje konstituišu građansku ulogu u demokratskom društvu. Akt glasanja ne treba primarno shvatiti kao pokušaj jedne osobe da izvrši odlučujući uticaj na bilo koji konkretan ishod, već afirmacija ključne prakse koja čini jedno društvo demokratskim. Ovo otkriva svojevrsni meta-paradoks glasanja. Naime, ne glasati znači istovremeno implicirati prihvatanje demokratije i neprihvatanje njene suštinske komponente. S obzirom na to, kako ću pokušati da pokažem, samo neglasanje je iracionalno. U svetlu ovog zaključka, u trećem delu rada istražujem jaz između deliberacije i participacije u svetlu analize građanskih uloga. Dok participacija bez deliberacije otkriva ideološku ostrašćenost, deliberacija bez participacije implicira nerazumevanje toga šta znači biti građanin. Deliberacija i participacija se mogu efektno povezati ako se uspostavi refleksivni ekvilibrijum između njih. To se, kako ću tvrditi, može ostvariti putem procesa čiji je prvi korak uspostavljanje deliberativne prakse koja je u potpunosti utemeljena na svesti građana o njihovim demokratskim ulogama, a izolovana od ideološki motivisane participacije.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - From Deliberation to Participation: Democratic Commitments and the Paradox of Voting
T1  - Od deliberacije do participacije: demokratske uloge i paradoks glas
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 98
EP  - 119
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201098S
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Šoć, Andrija",
year = "2022",
abstract = "In this paper, I examine the view that, surprisingly, the more citizens deliberate about politics, the less likely they are to participate in the realm of the political, and vice versa. In the first part of the paper, I approach the problem from the perspective of the paradox of voting, the claim that voting itself is instrumentally irrational because of the very low probability that a single vote will make any difference at the elections. In the second part of the paper, I argue that rather than analyzing voting instrumentally, it is better to view it as part of the civic commitments that constitute what it means to be a citizen in a democratic society. The act of voting is not primarily an individual’s attempt to decisively influence any particular outcome, but an affirmation of the key practice that upholds the democratic society in which citizens play a part. This reveals a meta-paradox of voting. Namely, to not vote is to exhibit a type of behavior that implies acceptance of democracy simultaneously with rejecting its defining component. Because of that, I will claim, not voting is itself irrational. In light of that conclusion, in the third part of the paper, I explore the extant divide between deliberation and participation by referring back to the analysis of civic commitments. Whereas participation without deliberating reveals ideological bias, deliberation without participation expresses a lack of understanding of what it means to be a citizen. The way to connect them is to engage in a process of attaining reflective equilibrium between the two, starting from the practice of deliberation that would be fully informed by the awareness of our democratic commitments and disconnected from ideologically motivated participation., U ovom gradu, ispitujem gledište prema kom, iznenađujuće, što se češće građani upuštaju u političku deliberaciju, to su manje skloni političkoj participaciji, i obrnuto. U prvom delu rada, razmatram ovaj problem iz ugla paradoksa glasanja, teze da je sam akt glasanja instrumentalno iracionalan pošto postoji jako mala verovatnoća da jedan glas napravi bilo kakvu razliku na izborima. U drugom delu rada, tvrdiću da, umesto da glasanje analiziramo instrumentalno, bolje je da ga posmatramo kao deo građanskih obaveza koje konstituišu građansku ulogu u demokratskom društvu. Akt glasanja ne treba primarno shvatiti kao pokušaj jedne osobe da izvrši odlučujući uticaj na bilo koji konkretan ishod, već afirmacija ključne prakse koja čini jedno društvo demokratskim. Ovo otkriva svojevrsni meta-paradoks glasanja. Naime, ne glasati znači istovremeno implicirati prihvatanje demokratije i neprihvatanje njene suštinske komponente. S obzirom na to, kako ću pokušati da pokažem, samo neglasanje je iracionalno. U svetlu ovog zaključka, u trećem delu rada istražujem jaz između deliberacije i participacije u svetlu analize građanskih uloga. Dok participacija bez deliberacije otkriva ideološku ostrašćenost, deliberacija bez participacije implicira nerazumevanje toga šta znači biti građanin. Deliberacija i participacija se mogu efektno povezati ako se uspostavi refleksivni ekvilibrijum između njih. To se, kako ću tvrditi, može ostvariti putem procesa čiji je prvi korak uspostavljanje deliberativne prakse koja je u potpunosti utemeljena na svesti građana o njihovim demokratskim ulogama, a izolovana od ideološki motivisane participacije.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "From Deliberation to Participation: Democratic Commitments and the Paradox of Voting, Od deliberacije do participacije: demokratske uloge i paradoks glas",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "98-119",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201098S"
}
Šoć, A.. (2022). From Deliberation to Participation: Democratic Commitments and the Paradox of Voting. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 98-119.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201098S
Šoć A. From Deliberation to Participation: Democratic Commitments and the Paradox of Voting. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):98-119.
doi:10.2298/FID2201098S .
Šoć, Andrija, "From Deliberation to Participation: Democratic Commitments and the Paradox of Voting" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):98-119,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201098S . .

The Effects of Deliberation on Citizen Knowledge, Attitudes and Preferences: A Case Study of a Belgrade Deliberative Mini Public

Đorđević, Ana; Vasiljević, Jelena

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Đorđević, Ana
AU  - Vasiljević, Jelena
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2534
AB  - Participation in deliberative arenas is often lauded for its transformative impact on citizens’ attitudes, sense of agency and ability to formulate concrete policy proposals. The focus of this paper is the first ever deliberative mini public in Belgrade, centred on the topic of expanding the pedestrian zone and rerouting traffic in the city core. By relying on a set of qualitative and quantitative data collected before and after the deliberation, we aim to explore the effects of the public deliberation on the participants’ knowledge, attitudes and preferences. Our hypothesis was that participation in this deliberative process led to better understanding (enhanced knowledge) of the discussed topic and change in attitudes and preferences regarding its realization. The scope of this study is limited, given the non-experimental design and small sample. Overall, the results indicate that participants` knowledge on the topic of deliberation is enhanced, becoming more precise, elaborate and encompassing different perspectives. As for the attitudes and preferences, in most cases, around two-thirds of the sample changed their positions, while about a third of the sample changed sides, mostly agreeing less with the expansion of the pedestrian zone. The findings support the conclusion that, on a local level, deliberation has the capacity to inform and enhance competence for greater political participation.
AB  - Učešće u deliberativnim arenama često se pozitivno ocenjuje zbog transformativnog uticaja na stavove građana, na njihov osećaj moći delovanja i na njihovu sposobnost da formulišu konkretne predloge javnih politika. U fokusu ovog rada je prva deliberativna mini javnost u Beogradu, organizovana na temu proširenja pešačke zone i preusmeravanja saobraćaja u centralnom delu grada. Oslanjajući se na skup kvalitativnih i kvantitativnih podataka priku-pljenih pre i posle deliberacije, cilj nam je da istražimo efekte javne rasprave na znanje, sta-vove i preferencije učesnika. Naša hipoteza je da je učešće u ovom deliberativnom procesu dovelo do boljeg razumevanja (produbljenog znanja) diskutovane teme, kao i do promene stavova i preferencija u vezi s njenom realizacijom. Iako je opseg studije ograničen, s obzirom na njen neeksperimentalni dizajn i mali uzorak, izvedeni rezultati pokazuju da se znanje uče-snika o temi unapredilo, postalo preciznije, razrađenije i otvorenije za različite perspektive. Što se tiče stavova i preferencija, oko dve trećine uzorka je promenilo stav, po najvećem broju pitanja, dok je oko jedna trećina promenila stranu, uglavnom u pravcu manjeg slaganja s predlogom proširenja pešačke zone. Nalazi podržavaju zaključak da, na lokalnom nivou, deliberacija ima kapacitet da informiše učesnike i unapredi njihove kompetencije za šire političko učešće.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - The Effects of Deliberation on Citizen Knowledge, Attitudes and Preferences: A Case Study of a Belgrade Deliberative Mini Public
T1  - Efekti deliberacije na znanje, stavove i preferencije građana: studija slučaja beogradske deliberativne mini javnosti
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 72
EP  - 97
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201072D
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Đorđević, Ana and Vasiljević, Jelena",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Participation in deliberative arenas is often lauded for its transformative impact on citizens’ attitudes, sense of agency and ability to formulate concrete policy proposals. The focus of this paper is the first ever deliberative mini public in Belgrade, centred on the topic of expanding the pedestrian zone and rerouting traffic in the city core. By relying on a set of qualitative and quantitative data collected before and after the deliberation, we aim to explore the effects of the public deliberation on the participants’ knowledge, attitudes and preferences. Our hypothesis was that participation in this deliberative process led to better understanding (enhanced knowledge) of the discussed topic and change in attitudes and preferences regarding its realization. The scope of this study is limited, given the non-experimental design and small sample. Overall, the results indicate that participants` knowledge on the topic of deliberation is enhanced, becoming more precise, elaborate and encompassing different perspectives. As for the attitudes and preferences, in most cases, around two-thirds of the sample changed their positions, while about a third of the sample changed sides, mostly agreeing less with the expansion of the pedestrian zone. The findings support the conclusion that, on a local level, deliberation has the capacity to inform and enhance competence for greater political participation., Učešće u deliberativnim arenama često se pozitivno ocenjuje zbog transformativnog uticaja na stavove građana, na njihov osećaj moći delovanja i na njihovu sposobnost da formulišu konkretne predloge javnih politika. U fokusu ovog rada je prva deliberativna mini javnost u Beogradu, organizovana na temu proširenja pešačke zone i preusmeravanja saobraćaja u centralnom delu grada. Oslanjajući se na skup kvalitativnih i kvantitativnih podataka priku-pljenih pre i posle deliberacije, cilj nam je da istražimo efekte javne rasprave na znanje, sta-vove i preferencije učesnika. Naša hipoteza je da je učešće u ovom deliberativnom procesu dovelo do boljeg razumevanja (produbljenog znanja) diskutovane teme, kao i do promene stavova i preferencija u vezi s njenom realizacijom. Iako je opseg studije ograničen, s obzirom na njen neeksperimentalni dizajn i mali uzorak, izvedeni rezultati pokazuju da se znanje uče-snika o temi unapredilo, postalo preciznije, razrađenije i otvorenije za različite perspektive. Što se tiče stavova i preferencija, oko dve trećine uzorka je promenilo stav, po najvećem broju pitanja, dok je oko jedna trećina promenila stranu, uglavnom u pravcu manjeg slaganja s predlogom proširenja pešačke zone. Nalazi podržavaju zaključak da, na lokalnom nivou, deliberacija ima kapacitet da informiše učesnike i unapredi njihove kompetencije za šire političko učešće.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "The Effects of Deliberation on Citizen Knowledge, Attitudes and Preferences: A Case Study of a Belgrade Deliberative Mini Public, Efekti deliberacije na znanje, stavove i preferencije građana: studija slučaja beogradske deliberativne mini javnosti",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "72-97",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201072D"
}
Đorđević, A.,& Vasiljević, J.. (2022). The Effects of Deliberation on Citizen Knowledge, Attitudes and Preferences: A Case Study of a Belgrade Deliberative Mini Public. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 72-97.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201072D
Đorđević A, Vasiljević J. The Effects of Deliberation on Citizen Knowledge, Attitudes and Preferences: A Case Study of a Belgrade Deliberative Mini Public. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):72-97.
doi:10.2298/FID2201072D .
Đorđević, Ana, Vasiljević, Jelena, "The Effects of Deliberation on Citizen Knowledge, Attitudes and Preferences: A Case Study of a Belgrade Deliberative Mini Public" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):72-97,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201072D . .

Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?

Fiket, Irena; Ilić, Vujo; Pudar Draško, Gazela

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Ilić, Vujo
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1432
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2533
AB  - Participation in deliberation in stable democracies produces effects which are beneficial for democracy, while the results of deliberative innovations in non-democracies are more ambiguous. This article contributes to the debate about the effects of participatory democratic innovations on attitudes, related to democratic commitments, political capacities and political participation, in the increasingly ubiquitous hybrid regimes. We present the evidence collected from the participants before and after deliberative mini publics (DMPs), held in Serbia in 2020. Serbia is an exemplary case of a recent wave of autocratization, which had led to it becoming a hybrid regime, and it had no track record of deliberative innovations. When conducting the mini publics, we introduced an innovation in the standard design, by including active citizens – representatives of local initiatives or social movements particularly interested in the issue of DMPs. We could not find evidence that the democratic innovation affected attitudes of participants regarding democratic commitments, political capacities and political participation. However, we did find that participants of the DMPs became less satisfied with the functioning of the democracy on the local level. We argue that the anti-democratic wider context of hybrid regimes can produce adverse effects when introducing participatory democratic innovations, at least when it comes to this specific dimension of political participation. We conclude with the suggestions for further research, and a call for consideration of the wider political context when designing democratic interventions in hybrid regimes.
AB  - U stabilnim demokratijama učešće u deliberaciji proizvodi efekte koji pogoduju demokratiji, dok su rezultati deliberativnih inovacija u nedemokratijama neodređeniji. Ovaj članak predstavlja doprinos debati o efektima participatornih demokratskih inovacija na stavove o privrženosti demokratiji, političkom kapacitetu i političkoj participaciji u sve prisutnijim hibridnim režimima. U radu predstavljamo rezultate ispitivanja učesnika, pre i posle njihovog učešća u deliberativnim mini javnostima (DMJ), održanih u Srbiji 2020. godine. Srbija predstavlja uzorni slučaj poslednjeg talasa autokratizacije, putem kog je postala hibridni režim, i pored toga nema razvijenu praksu deliberativnih inovacija. Prilikom sprovođenja mini-javnosti, uveli smo inovaciju u uobičajeni dizajn, tako što su uključeni i aktivni građani - predstavnici lokalnih inicijativa ili društvenih pokreta koji su bili posebno zainteresovani za temu DMJ. Naši nalazi nisu pokazali da je demokratska inovacija uticala na promenu stavova učesnika o privrženosti demokratiji, političkom kapacitetu i političkoj participaciji. Međutim, utvrdili smo da su učesnici DMJ bili manje zadovoljni funkcionisanjem demokratije na lokalnom nivou. Ovo objašnjavamo širim, anti-demokratskim kontekstom hibridnih režima, koji proizvodi neželjene efekte prilikom uvođenja demokratskih inovacija, bar kada se radi o ovim specifičnim dimenzijama političke participacije. Zaključujemo članak sa predlozima za buduća istraživanja, i preporukom da se prilikom dizajniranja demokratskih intervencija u hibridnim režimima uvaže specifičnosti šireg političkog konteksta.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?
T1  - Izneverena očekivanja: mogu li deliberativne inovacije u hibridnim režimima imati demokratske efekte?
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 50
EP  - 71
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201050F
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Fiket, Irena and Ilić, Vujo and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Participation in deliberation in stable democracies produces effects which are beneficial for democracy, while the results of deliberative innovations in non-democracies are more ambiguous. This article contributes to the debate about the effects of participatory democratic innovations on attitudes, related to democratic commitments, political capacities and political participation, in the increasingly ubiquitous hybrid regimes. We present the evidence collected from the participants before and after deliberative mini publics (DMPs), held in Serbia in 2020. Serbia is an exemplary case of a recent wave of autocratization, which had led to it becoming a hybrid regime, and it had no track record of deliberative innovations. When conducting the mini publics, we introduced an innovation in the standard design, by including active citizens – representatives of local initiatives or social movements particularly interested in the issue of DMPs. We could not find evidence that the democratic innovation affected attitudes of participants regarding democratic commitments, political capacities and political participation. However, we did find that participants of the DMPs became less satisfied with the functioning of the democracy on the local level. We argue that the anti-democratic wider context of hybrid regimes can produce adverse effects when introducing participatory democratic innovations, at least when it comes to this specific dimension of political participation. We conclude with the suggestions for further research, and a call for consideration of the wider political context when designing democratic interventions in hybrid regimes., U stabilnim demokratijama učešće u deliberaciji proizvodi efekte koji pogoduju demokratiji, dok su rezultati deliberativnih inovacija u nedemokratijama neodređeniji. Ovaj članak predstavlja doprinos debati o efektima participatornih demokratskih inovacija na stavove o privrženosti demokratiji, političkom kapacitetu i političkoj participaciji u sve prisutnijim hibridnim režimima. U radu predstavljamo rezultate ispitivanja učesnika, pre i posle njihovog učešća u deliberativnim mini javnostima (DMJ), održanih u Srbiji 2020. godine. Srbija predstavlja uzorni slučaj poslednjeg talasa autokratizacije, putem kog je postala hibridni režim, i pored toga nema razvijenu praksu deliberativnih inovacija. Prilikom sprovođenja mini-javnosti, uveli smo inovaciju u uobičajeni dizajn, tako što su uključeni i aktivni građani - predstavnici lokalnih inicijativa ili društvenih pokreta koji su bili posebno zainteresovani za temu DMJ. Naši nalazi nisu pokazali da je demokratska inovacija uticala na promenu stavova učesnika o privrženosti demokratiji, političkom kapacitetu i političkoj participaciji. Međutim, utvrdili smo da su učesnici DMJ bili manje zadovoljni funkcionisanjem demokratije na lokalnom nivou. Ovo objašnjavamo širim, anti-demokratskim kontekstom hibridnih režima, koji proizvodi neželjene efekte prilikom uvođenja demokratskih inovacija, bar kada se radi o ovim specifičnim dimenzijama političke participacije. Zaključujemo članak sa predlozima za buduća istraživanja, i preporukom da se prilikom dizajniranja demokratskih intervencija u hibridnim režimima uvaže specifičnosti šireg političkog konteksta.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?, Izneverena očekivanja: mogu li deliberativne inovacije u hibridnim režimima imati demokratske efekte?",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "50-71",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201050F"
}
Fiket, I., Ilić, V.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2022). Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 50-71.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201050F
Fiket I, Ilić V, Pudar Draško G. Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):50-71.
doi:10.2298/FID2201050F .
Fiket, Irena, Ilić, Vujo, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Failed Expectations: Can Deliberative Innovations Produce Democratic Effects in Hybrid Regimes?" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):50-71,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201050F . .

Deliberative Democracy – Theory and Practice: The Case of the Belgrade Citizens’ Assembly

Janković, Ivana

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Janković, Ivana
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1431
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2532
AB  - In this paper, we examine whether it is possible to improve democracy by encouraging ordinary citizens to participate in political decision-making and if participation in deliberative institutions can make citizens more competent decision-makers. By using qualitative data, we analyze the discussion from the Belgrade citizens’ assembly (CA) focused on the topic of expanding the pedestrian zone in the city center. The CA was organized in Serbia for the first time, as part of a research project aimed at promoting and advancing innovative democratic practices in the Western Balkans. The goal was to encourage the involvement of citizens in discussions of public interest. Our hypothesis was that, through the process of participation and deliberation in CA, ordinary citizens can make reasonable and informed choices, increase their knowledge of the issue discussed, and become more motivated to participate in political decision-making on the local level. Our qualitative content analysis suggests that deliberation had a positive impact on participants’ knowledge of the chosen topic of the assembly. It also shows that citizens used exhaustive explanations rather than brief statements, could differentiate the good arguments from the bad, and more often appealed to general rather than private interests. Participants in the assembly reported a significant increase in interest in political decision-making that affects their lives, as well as a sense of being informed about politics. Finally, we wanted to draw attention to the challenges and open questions that remain, namely those that concern the impact of a deliberative body on political decision-making in the real world.
AB  - U ovom radu ispitujemo da li je moguć e unaprediti demokratiju podsticanjem običnih građana da učestvuju u donošenju političkih odluka i da li učešć e u deliberativnim institucijama može da učini građane kompetentnijim donosiocima odluka. Koristeć i kvalitativne podatke, analizirali smo diskusiju koja se odvijala unutar građanske skupštine (GS) održane u Beogradu, koja je za temu imala pitanje proširenja pešačke zone u centru grada. Ovo je bila prva GS u Srbiji, organizovana kao deo istraživačkog projekta usmerenog na promovisanje i unapređenje inovativnih demokratskih praksi na Zapadnom Balkanu. Cilj je bio da se podstakne uključivanje građana u rasprave od javnog interesa. Pretpostavke od kojih smo pošli su bile da, kroz proces učešć a i odlučivanja u građanskoj skupštini, obični građani mogu doneti promišljene i informisane izbore, poveć ati svoje znanje o temi o kojoj se raspravlja i postati motivisaniji da učestvuju u donošenju političkih odluka na lokalnom nivou. Naša analiza sadržaja diskusije unutar GS sugeriše da je deliberacija pozitivno uticalo na znanje učesnika o temi skupštine. Pokazano je da su građani tokom rasprave koristili iscrpna i složena objašnjenja, a ne kratke izjave, da su bili u stanju da razlikuju dobre od loših argumenata i češć e se pozivali na opšte nego na privatne interese. Učesnici skupštine su iskazali značajno poveć anje interesovanja za političko donošenje odluka koje utiču na njihove živote, kao i oseć aja informisanosti o politici. Na kraju, želeli smo da skrenemo pažnju na izazove i otvorena pitanja koja ostaju – ona koja se tiču pitanja uticaja deliberativnih institucija na političko odlučivanje u stvarnom svetu.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - Deliberative Democracy – Theory and Practice: The Case of the Belgrade Citizens’ Assembly
T1  - Deliberativna demokratija – teorija i praksa: slučaj građanske skupštine održane u Beogradu
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 26
EP  - 49
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201026J
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Janković, Ivana",
year = "2022",
abstract = "In this paper, we examine whether it is possible to improve democracy by encouraging ordinary citizens to participate in political decision-making and if participation in deliberative institutions can make citizens more competent decision-makers. By using qualitative data, we analyze the discussion from the Belgrade citizens’ assembly (CA) focused on the topic of expanding the pedestrian zone in the city center. The CA was organized in Serbia for the first time, as part of a research project aimed at promoting and advancing innovative democratic practices in the Western Balkans. The goal was to encourage the involvement of citizens in discussions of public interest. Our hypothesis was that, through the process of participation and deliberation in CA, ordinary citizens can make reasonable and informed choices, increase their knowledge of the issue discussed, and become more motivated to participate in political decision-making on the local level. Our qualitative content analysis suggests that deliberation had a positive impact on participants’ knowledge of the chosen topic of the assembly. It also shows that citizens used exhaustive explanations rather than brief statements, could differentiate the good arguments from the bad, and more often appealed to general rather than private interests. Participants in the assembly reported a significant increase in interest in political decision-making that affects their lives, as well as a sense of being informed about politics. Finally, we wanted to draw attention to the challenges and open questions that remain, namely those that concern the impact of a deliberative body on political decision-making in the real world., U ovom radu ispitujemo da li je moguć e unaprediti demokratiju podsticanjem običnih građana da učestvuju u donošenju političkih odluka i da li učešć e u deliberativnim institucijama može da učini građane kompetentnijim donosiocima odluka. Koristeć i kvalitativne podatke, analizirali smo diskusiju koja se odvijala unutar građanske skupštine (GS) održane u Beogradu, koja je za temu imala pitanje proširenja pešačke zone u centru grada. Ovo je bila prva GS u Srbiji, organizovana kao deo istraživačkog projekta usmerenog na promovisanje i unapređenje inovativnih demokratskih praksi na Zapadnom Balkanu. Cilj je bio da se podstakne uključivanje građana u rasprave od javnog interesa. Pretpostavke od kojih smo pošli su bile da, kroz proces učešć a i odlučivanja u građanskoj skupštini, obični građani mogu doneti promišljene i informisane izbore, poveć ati svoje znanje o temi o kojoj se raspravlja i postati motivisaniji da učestvuju u donošenju političkih odluka na lokalnom nivou. Naša analiza sadržaja diskusije unutar GS sugeriše da je deliberacija pozitivno uticalo na znanje učesnika o temi skupštine. Pokazano je da su građani tokom rasprave koristili iscrpna i složena objašnjenja, a ne kratke izjave, da su bili u stanju da razlikuju dobre od loših argumenata i češć e se pozivali na opšte nego na privatne interese. Učesnici skupštine su iskazali značajno poveć anje interesovanja za političko donošenje odluka koje utiču na njihove živote, kao i oseć aja informisanosti o politici. Na kraju, želeli smo da skrenemo pažnju na izazove i otvorena pitanja koja ostaju – ona koja se tiču pitanja uticaja deliberativnih institucija na političko odlučivanje u stvarnom svetu.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "Deliberative Democracy – Theory and Practice: The Case of the Belgrade Citizens’ Assembly, Deliberativna demokratija – teorija i praksa: slučaj građanske skupštine održane u Beogradu",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "26-49",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201026J"
}
Janković, I.. (2022). Deliberative Democracy – Theory and Practice: The Case of the Belgrade Citizens’ Assembly. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 26-49.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201026J
Janković I. Deliberative Democracy – Theory and Practice: The Case of the Belgrade Citizens’ Assembly. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):26-49.
doi:10.2298/FID2201026J .
Janković, Ivana, "Deliberative Democracy – Theory and Practice: The Case of the Belgrade Citizens’ Assembly" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):26-49,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201026J . .

Promises and Challenges of Deliberative and Participatory Innovations in Hybrid Regimes: The Case of Two Citizens’ Assemblies in Serbia

Fiket, Irena; Đorđević, Biljana

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Fiket, Irena
AU  - Đorđević, Biljana
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1430
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2531
AB  - A worrying trend of autocratization that has been spreading globally in recent years, has thrust forward a new wave of appeals for deliberative and participatory democracy as a remedy for the crisis. With a few exceptions, the majority of participatory and deliberative institutions were implemented in stable democracies. The efforts to institutionalize participatory and deliberative models are almost completely absent in Serbia and other Western Balkan countries. Yet, there has been a trend of citizen mobilization in the form of social movements and local civic initiatives, which are both a symptom of unresponsive and quite openly authoritarian institutions, as well as a potential pathway to democratization. The pace and scope of these developments in the undemocratic societies of the Western Balkan region, in terms of both bottom up and top-down democratic experimentation, call for a better understanding of their internal dynamics, and their social and political impact. Responding to this need, the articles in the special issue focus on social movement mobilizations and deliberative experimentation. 

To begin with, our introductory article focuses particularly on understanding the possible role deliberative institutions could have in hybrid regimes. It looks at the first two cases of deliberative mini publics (DMPs) ever organized in Serbia, analyzing their rationale, specific design, implementation, as well as considering the possible role deliberative institutions could play in the hybrid regime of Serbia.
AB  - Zabrinjavajući trend autokratizacije koja se širi svetom poslednjih godina je pokrenuo novi talas poziva na deliberativnu i participativnu demokratiju kao lek za krizu. Uz nekoliko izuzetaka, većina participativnih i deliberativnih institucija je uspostavljana i sprovođena u stabilnim demokratijama. Napori da se participativni i deliberativni modeli institucionalizuju skoro u potpunosti izostaju u Srbiji i drugim zemljama Zapadnog Balkana. Ipak, ono što je prisutno je mobilizacija građana u okviru društvenih pokreta i lokalnih građanskih inicijativa, koja je istovremeno simptom neodgovornih i sve očiglednije autoritarnih institucija, kao i potencijalni put ka demokratizaciji. Tempo i obim ovakvog razvoja demokratskih eksperimenata, kako onih odozdo nagore tako i onih odozgo nadole, u nedemokratskim društvima regiona Zapadnog Balkana, zahtevaju bolje razumevanje njihove unutrašnje dinamike i njihovog društvenog i političkog uticaja. Kao odgovor na ovu potrebu, članci u ovom tematu stavljaju naglasak na mobilizaciju društvenih pokreta i deliberativno eksperimentisanje.
Na samom početku, naš uvodni članak se posebno fokusira na razumevanje moguće uloge koju bi deliberativne institucije mogle da imaju u hibridnim režimima. Razmatraju se prva dva slučaja deliberativnih mini javnosti (DMJ) ikada organizovanih u Srbiji, uz analizu obrazloženja, specifičnog dizajna, sprovođenja DMJ, kao i sagledavanje moguće uloge koju bi deliberativne institucije mogle da imaju u hibridnom režimu Srbije.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - Promises and Challenges of Deliberative and Participatory Innovations in Hybrid Regimes: The Case of Two Citizens’ Assemblies in Serbia
T1  - Obećanja i izazovi deliberativnih i participativnih inovacija u hibridnim režimima: slučaj dve Građanske skupštine u Srbiji
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 3
EP  - 25
DO  - 10.2298/FID2201003F
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Fiket, Irena and Đorđević, Biljana",
year = "2022",
abstract = "A worrying trend of autocratization that has been spreading globally in recent years, has thrust forward a new wave of appeals for deliberative and participatory democracy as a remedy for the crisis. With a few exceptions, the majority of participatory and deliberative institutions were implemented in stable democracies. The efforts to institutionalize participatory and deliberative models are almost completely absent in Serbia and other Western Balkan countries. Yet, there has been a trend of citizen mobilization in the form of social movements and local civic initiatives, which are both a symptom of unresponsive and quite openly authoritarian institutions, as well as a potential pathway to democratization. The pace and scope of these developments in the undemocratic societies of the Western Balkan region, in terms of both bottom up and top-down democratic experimentation, call for a better understanding of their internal dynamics, and their social and political impact. Responding to this need, the articles in the special issue focus on social movement mobilizations and deliberative experimentation. 

To begin with, our introductory article focuses particularly on understanding the possible role deliberative institutions could have in hybrid regimes. It looks at the first two cases of deliberative mini publics (DMPs) ever organized in Serbia, analyzing their rationale, specific design, implementation, as well as considering the possible role deliberative institutions could play in the hybrid regime of Serbia., Zabrinjavajući trend autokratizacije koja se širi svetom poslednjih godina je pokrenuo novi talas poziva na deliberativnu i participativnu demokratiju kao lek za krizu. Uz nekoliko izuzetaka, većina participativnih i deliberativnih institucija je uspostavljana i sprovođena u stabilnim demokratijama. Napori da se participativni i deliberativni modeli institucionalizuju skoro u potpunosti izostaju u Srbiji i drugim zemljama Zapadnog Balkana. Ipak, ono što je prisutno je mobilizacija građana u okviru društvenih pokreta i lokalnih građanskih inicijativa, koja je istovremeno simptom neodgovornih i sve očiglednije autoritarnih institucija, kao i potencijalni put ka demokratizaciji. Tempo i obim ovakvog razvoja demokratskih eksperimenata, kako onih odozdo nagore tako i onih odozgo nadole, u nedemokratskim društvima regiona Zapadnog Balkana, zahtevaju bolje razumevanje njihove unutrašnje dinamike i njihovog društvenog i političkog uticaja. Kao odgovor na ovu potrebu, članci u ovom tematu stavljaju naglasak na mobilizaciju društvenih pokreta i deliberativno eksperimentisanje.
Na samom početku, naš uvodni članak se posebno fokusira na razumevanje moguće uloge koju bi deliberativne institucije mogle da imaju u hibridnim režimima. Razmatraju se prva dva slučaja deliberativnih mini javnosti (DMJ) ikada organizovanih u Srbiji, uz analizu obrazloženja, specifičnog dizajna, sprovođenja DMJ, kao i sagledavanje moguće uloge koju bi deliberativne institucije mogle da imaju u hibridnom režimu Srbije.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "Promises and Challenges of Deliberative and Participatory Innovations in Hybrid Regimes: The Case of Two Citizens’ Assemblies in Serbia, Obećanja i izazovi deliberativnih i participativnih inovacija u hibridnim režimima: slučaj dve Građanske skupštine u Srbiji",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "3-25",
doi = "10.2298/FID2201003F"
}
Fiket, I.,& Đorđević, B.. (2022). Promises and Challenges of Deliberative and Participatory Innovations in Hybrid Regimes: The Case of Two Citizens’ Assemblies in Serbia. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 3-25.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201003F
Fiket I, Đorđević B. Promises and Challenges of Deliberative and Participatory Innovations in Hybrid Regimes: The Case of Two Citizens’ Assemblies in Serbia. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):3-25.
doi:10.2298/FID2201003F .
Fiket, Irena, Đorđević, Biljana, "Promises and Challenges of Deliberative and Participatory Innovations in Hybrid Regimes: The Case of Two Citizens’ Assemblies in Serbia" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):3-25,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID2201003F . .

Lokalne fondacije u Srbiji: Osnaživanje odozdo – uloga, izazovi i perspektive za razvoj lokalnih fondacija

Vasiljević, Jelena; Radovanović, Bojana

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Vasiljević, Jelena
AU  - Radovanović, Bojana
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2544
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
PB  - Beograd : Trag fondacija
T1  - Lokalne fondacije u Srbiji: Osnaživanje odozdo – uloga, izazovi i perspektive za razvoj lokalnih fondacija
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Vasiljević, Jelena and Radovanović, Bojana",
year = "2022",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd : Trag fondacija",
title = "Lokalne fondacije u Srbiji: Osnaživanje odozdo – uloga, izazovi i perspektive za razvoj lokalnih fondacija"
}
Vasiljević, J.,& Radovanović, B.. (2022). Lokalne fondacije u Srbiji: Osnaživanje odozdo – uloga, izazovi i perspektive za razvoj lokalnih fondacija. 
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju..
Vasiljević J, Radovanović B. Lokalne fondacije u Srbiji: Osnaživanje odozdo – uloga, izazovi i perspektive za razvoj lokalnih fondacija. 2022;..
Vasiljević, Jelena, Radovanović, Bojana, "Lokalne fondacije u Srbiji: Osnaživanje odozdo – uloga, izazovi i perspektive za razvoj lokalnih fondacija" (2022).

New Crises: Science, Morality, and Democracy in the 21st Century

Merkel, Wolfgang

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Merkel, Wolfgang
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1443
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2543
AB  - This paper examines the restructuring of political conflict in Western societies in the 21st century, as well as its effects on morality, science, and democracy. I argue that the traditional socio-economic dimension of conflict has been intersected by a new dimension of cultural conflict between the cosmopolitan and the communitarian camps. In this paper, I identify three new crises which are responsible for this two-dimensional conflict structure: the refugee and migrant crisis, the climate debate, and the COVID-19 pandemic. I argue that these crises are not based in “objective” facts alone, but that they are also shaped by their subjective perceptions or “crisis narratives”. The paper shows that these narratives are characterized by three distinct properties: scientification, moralization, and polarization. Scientification entails the simplified perception of both science and democratic decision-making. By reducing the role of science to a singular procedure which produces non-refutable “truths”, scientification has led to a change in the perception of democracy from a pluralistic and a posteriori decision-making to the means of implementing a priori scientific truth. The second characteristic of crisis narratives is moralization; that is, the stylization of one’s own moral position as superior in order to disparage another moral position which introduces binarism and friend-foe relations in the political discourse of democracy. Finally, I demonstrate how these properties undermine democratic pluralism by leading it into a two-dimensional (or, in the case of the United States, one-dimensional), non-negotiable and “all or nothing” polarization.
AB  - Ovaj članak istražuje restrukturiranje političkog konflikta u zapadnim društvima u 21. veku, kao i efekte koje je ono imalo na moralnost, nauku i demokratiju. Pokazujem da je tradicionalno socio-ekonomska dimenzija konflikta postala ispresecana novom dimenzijom kulturnog konflikta između kosmopolitskog i komunitarnog kampa. U radu identifikujem tri nove krize koje su odgovorne za ovu dvodimenzionalnu strukturu konflikta: izbeglička i migrantska kriza, debata o klimatskim promenama i COVID-19 pandemija. U tekstu pokazujem da ove krize nisu zasnovane samo na „činjenicama“, već takođe i na subjektivnim percepcijama krize ili „naracijama krize“. Ove naracije poseduju tri različite osobine: scijentizacija, moralizacija i polarizacija. Scijentizacija podrazumeva simplifikovanu percepciju nauke i demokratskog procesa odlučivanja. Ona redukuje ulogu nauke na singularnu proceduru koja proizvodi neupitnu „istinu“ i time menja sliku demokratije od pluralističkog i a posteriori procesa donošenja odluka u sredstvo primenjivanja a priori naučne istine. Druga osobina naracija krize je moralizacija, odnosno stilizacija sopstvene moralne pozicije kao superiorne u odnosu na drugu, čime se unosi binarizam i prijatelj-neprijatelj odnos u politički diskurs demokratije. Najzad, demonstriram kako ove osobine podrivaju demokratski pluralizam time što ga vode u dvodimenzionalnu (ili u slučaju Sredinjenih Država, jednodimenzionalnu), bezkompromisnu i „sve ili ništa“ polarizaciju.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T2  - Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
T1  - New Crises: Science, Morality, and Democracy in the 21st Century
T1  - Nove krize: nauka, moral i demokratija u 21. veku
IS  - 1
VL  - 33
SP  - 265
EP  - 277
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Merkel, Wolfgang",
year = "2022",
abstract = "This paper examines the restructuring of political conflict in Western societies in the 21st century, as well as its effects on morality, science, and democracy. I argue that the traditional socio-economic dimension of conflict has been intersected by a new dimension of cultural conflict between the cosmopolitan and the communitarian camps. In this paper, I identify three new crises which are responsible for this two-dimensional conflict structure: the refugee and migrant crisis, the climate debate, and the COVID-19 pandemic. I argue that these crises are not based in “objective” facts alone, but that they are also shaped by their subjective perceptions or “crisis narratives”. The paper shows that these narratives are characterized by three distinct properties: scientification, moralization, and polarization. Scientification entails the simplified perception of both science and democratic decision-making. By reducing the role of science to a singular procedure which produces non-refutable “truths”, scientification has led to a change in the perception of democracy from a pluralistic and a posteriori decision-making to the means of implementing a priori scientific truth. The second characteristic of crisis narratives is moralization; that is, the stylization of one’s own moral position as superior in order to disparage another moral position which introduces binarism and friend-foe relations in the political discourse of democracy. Finally, I demonstrate how these properties undermine democratic pluralism by leading it into a two-dimensional (or, in the case of the United States, one-dimensional), non-negotiable and “all or nothing” polarization., Ovaj članak istražuje restrukturiranje političkog konflikta u zapadnim društvima u 21. veku, kao i efekte koje je ono imalo na moralnost, nauku i demokratiju. Pokazujem da je tradicionalno socio-ekonomska dimenzija konflikta postala ispresecana novom dimenzijom kulturnog konflikta između kosmopolitskog i komunitarnog kampa. U radu identifikujem tri nove krize koje su odgovorne za ovu dvodimenzionalnu strukturu konflikta: izbeglička i migrantska kriza, debata o klimatskim promenama i COVID-19 pandemija. U tekstu pokazujem da ove krize nisu zasnovane samo na „činjenicama“, već takođe i na subjektivnim percepcijama krize ili „naracijama krize“. Ove naracije poseduju tri različite osobine: scijentizacija, moralizacija i polarizacija. Scijentizacija podrazumeva simplifikovanu percepciju nauke i demokratskog procesa odlučivanja. Ona redukuje ulogu nauke na singularnu proceduru koja proizvodi neupitnu „istinu“ i time menja sliku demokratije od pluralističkog i a posteriori procesa donošenja odluka u sredstvo primenjivanja a priori naučne istine. Druga osobina naracija krize je moralizacija, odnosno stilizacija sopstvene moralne pozicije kao superiorne u odnosu na drugu, čime se unosi binarizam i prijatelj-neprijatelj odnos u politički diskurs demokratije. Najzad, demonstriram kako ove osobine podrivaju demokratski pluralizam time što ga vode u dvodimenzionalnu (ili u slučaju Sredinjenih Država, jednodimenzionalnu), bezkompromisnu i „sve ili ništa“ polarizaciju.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society",
title = "New Crises: Science, Morality, and Democracy in the 21st Century, Nove krize: nauka, moral i demokratija u 21. veku",
number = "1",
volume = "33",
pages = "265-277"
}
Merkel, W.. (2022). New Crises: Science, Morality, and Democracy in the 21st Century. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju., 33(1), 265-277.
Merkel W. New Crises: Science, Morality, and Democracy in the 21st Century. in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society. 2022;33(1):265-277..
Merkel, Wolfgang, "New Crises: Science, Morality, and Democracy in the 21st Century" in Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 33, no. 1 (2022):265-277.

The Police: Instituting Violence

Bojanić, Petar; Pudar Draško, Gazela

(Lexington Books, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bojanić, Petar
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2529
AB  - Speaking of the institution of the police in his famous 1921 text “Zur Kritik
der Gewalt” (“Toward the Critique of Violence”), Walter Benjamin gives two
very important characteristics of police violence.1 The first and fundamental
characteristic is that the police are always connected to violence but that the
police’s role within the state is difficult to pinpoint, given that the police
constitute an “institution of the modern State” (Benjamin 1986: 286–87).
Our intention in this text is to show that police violence is a consequence of
a deformation of the institution of police or a deformation of violence.
PB  - Lexington Books
T2  - Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination
T1  - The Police: Instituting Violence
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bojanić, Petar and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Speaking of the institution of the police in his famous 1921 text “Zur Kritik
der Gewalt” (“Toward the Critique of Violence”), Walter Benjamin gives two
very important characteristics of police violence.1 The first and fundamental
characteristic is that the police are always connected to violence but that the
police’s role within the state is difficult to pinpoint, given that the police
constitute an “institution of the modern State” (Benjamin 1986: 286–87).
Our intention in this text is to show that police violence is a consequence of
a deformation of the institution of police or a deformation of violence.",
publisher = "Lexington Books",
journal = "Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination",
booktitle = "The Police: Instituting Violence"
}
Bojanić, P.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2022). The Police: Instituting Violence. in Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination
Lexington Books..
Bojanić P, Pudar Draško G. The Police: Instituting Violence. in Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination. 2022;..
Bojanić, Petar, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "The Police: Instituting Violence" in Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination (2022).

Angažovane reči

Zarić, Zona; Pudar Draško, Gazela

(Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2022)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Zarić, Zona
AU  - Pudar Draško, Gazela
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2522
AB  - Misao je povezana sa događajem kao krug sa svojim centrom – naglašava Hana Arent (Hannah Arendt) na samom početku Krize kulture – i ako se od njega odvoji, rizikuje da izgubi svoj značaj. Misao živi na međi prošlosti i budućnosti, tražeći sopstveni smisao u istoriji. Čin mišljenja je neodvojiv od svakodnevnih suočavanja sa svetom. Gajeći čuđenje i dostupnost prema događajima, misao se više ne svodi isključivo na stvaranje novih ideja, već ima i novi zahtev – da identifikuje značajne događaje
našeg vremena, omogući da ih bolje razumemo i tako izoštri uvid u stvarnost koja nas okružuje.
PB  - Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju
T1  - Angažovane reči
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Zarić, Zona and Pudar Draško, Gazela",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Misao je povezana sa događajem kao krug sa svojim centrom – naglašava Hana Arent (Hannah Arendt) na samom početku Krize kulture – i ako se od njega odvoji, rizikuje da izgubi svoj značaj. Misao živi na međi prošlosti i budućnosti, tražeći sopstveni smisao u istoriji. Čin mišljenja je neodvojiv od svakodnevnih suočavanja sa svetom. Gajeći čuđenje i dostupnost prema događajima, misao se više ne svodi isključivo na stvaranje novih ideja, već ima i novi zahtev – da identifikuje značajne događaje
našeg vremena, omogući da ih bolje razumemo i tako izoštri uvid u stvarnost koja nas okružuje.",
publisher = "Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju",
title = "Angažovane reči"
}
Zarić, Z.,& Pudar Draško, G.. (2022). Angažovane reči. 
Beograd : Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju..
Zarić Z, Pudar Draško G. Angažovane reči. 2022;..
Zarić, Zona, Pudar Draško, Gazela, "Angažovane reči" (2022).

Провокация: Воззвание и право на переворот

Bojanić, Petar

(Екатеринбург ; Москва : Кабинетный ученый, 2022)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Bojanić, Petar
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://rifdt.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/123456789/2528
AB  - Эта небольшая книга написана в форме литературно- Петар Боянич
философского эссе и создана на основе серии лекций,
прочитанных Петаром Бояничем, сербским философом,
учеником Деррида, в Белграде для средств массовой
информации во второй половине октября 2007 года.
На сербском языке книга вышла в 2008 году. Мы пред-
лагаем перевод книги на русский язык, рассчитанный
на самые широкие читательские круги, интересующи-
еся историей культуры и современной философией.
PB  - Екатеринбург ; Москва : Кабинетный ученый
T1  - Провокация: Воззвание и право на переворот
T1  - Provocatio: Vokativ Ius Revolucija
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Bojanić, Petar",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Эта небольшая книга написана в форме литературно- Петар Боянич
философского эссе и создана на основе серии лекций,
прочитанных Петаром Бояничем, сербским философом,
учеником Деррида, в Белграде для средств массовой
информации во второй половине октября 2007 года.
На сербском языке книга вышла в 2008 году. Мы пред-
лагаем перевод книги на русский язык, рассчитанный
на самые широкие читательские круги, интересующи-
еся историей культуры и современной философией.",
publisher = "Екатеринбург ; Москва : Кабинетный ученый",
title = "Провокация: Воззвание и право на переворот, Provocatio: Vokativ Ius Revolucija"
}
Bojanić, P.. (2022). Провокация: Воззвание и право на переворот. 
Екатеринбург ; Москва : Кабинетный ученый..
Bojanić P. Провокация: Воззвание и право на переворот. 2022;..
Bojanić, Petar, "Провокация: Воззвание и право на переворот" (2022).